The protest against raising the retirement age in Russia is steadily expanding
Despite the summer, the season of holidays, the World Cup, in the first half of July, the number of rallies and pickets was continuously increasing in the country. This was not stopped even by the fact that in the largest cities of the country Putin banned the holding of such events until the middle of the month. The cause of large-scale discontent among the citizens was the anti-popular reform to raise the retirement age, conceived by Putin and Medvedev.
Protests against government plans took place in more than 50 cities. Mass rallies were held in Omsk, where about 4,500 people took part, Novosibirsk - 2500 people, Chelyabinsk - more than 2000 people, Arzamas - over 1500 participants, Orenburg, Vologda and Perm - more than 1000 people.
Numerous actions took place in Birobidzhan, Bryansk, Ivanovo, Kineshma, Izhevsk, Kaluga, Kurgan, Lipetsk, Miass, Murmansk, Orenburg, Saratov, Tomsk, Khabarovsk, Komsomolsk-on-Amur and other cities. Pickets also took place in Abakan, Apatity, Arkhangelsk, Barnaul, Belgorod, Veliky Novgorod, Vladimir, Irkutsk, Kamensk-Uralsky, Kostroma and Nerekhta, Krasnodar, Kuvandyk, Magadan, Nizhnekamsk, Nizhny Novgorod, Novokuznetsk, Novokuibyshevsk, Penza, Pskov, Tver, Yaroslavl, as well as in Shuya, Vichuga and Rodniki.
All actions were organized and conducted by supporters of socialism, regional trade union associations, and public activists. People went out to rallies and pickets with posters on which it was written: "We want to live in retirement, and not die before!", "Stop the pension genocide!", "Beat your fears youth, you'll miss it!", "Deputies, tell them "No to the cannibalistic law!", "I want to live on retirement, and not die at work!", "Putin is broadcasting, the people are begging," "A decent pension, not an increase in retirement age!". At many protests, participants called for the resignation not only of Medvedev, but also of Putin. In particular, this happened at a rally in Izhevsk, held on July 3 and gathered more than 600 people.
The scale of this popular protest and the clear sentiment of ordinary citizens against the anti-popular plans of Putin and Medvedev make it possible to assert that in the remaining summer days the number of rallies and pickets caused by pension reform will at least not diminish. The working classes of our country are really concerned about their future.
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Protest action in Ufa
On July 9, in the morning, the drivers of ambulances began to strike. The reason for the strike was the delay in the issuance of earnings. During the protest, drivers did not start their duties.
They have not been paid since April. The total debt amounted to four million rubles.
Drivers are also unhappy with the fact that during the last time the conditions of their work have greatly worsened. The earnings are negatively affected by deductions. If the driver deviates from the work schedule for more than 10 minutes, a fine of 350 rubles will be collected from him. And in the case of "over-normative" deductions from the driver's salary, 1800 rubles are "cut off".
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Builders in Sevastopol held a strike
In early July, a strike of workers engaged in laying the ring gas pipeline continued. At the end of June they began to strike, because in April 2018 they were no longer paid wages. According to the builders, the amount of debt exceeded the amount of 180 thousand rubles.
The building contractor paid wages in time for only 4 months, from the moment of the beginning of the construction work. Then the problems that the company promised to solve were to begin. However, all the assurances about the payment of debts have remained only promises. An appeal to the city prosecutor's office did not help either. Without waiting for the money, the workers stopped working. Some of them finally lost faith in the positive outcome of the case and went home.
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Picket in Tula
The problem of the lack of hot water in the summer has already become chronic in so many regions of the country. The people of Tula decided to mark out some ways to solve it with the help of the protest action.
On July 8, after the next shutdown of hot water supply, residents of the Petrovsky district went out to picket. The event took place on the site in front of Batashevsky Garden. People expressed their indignation by the fact that the shutdown of hot water lasted more than two weeks. At the same time they regularly pay all utility bills.
The picketers came out with slogans: "17 days without hot water", "They cheat like they want", "The providers are stealing from the needy".
This protest led to success. After filing a notice to the authorities for a picket, hot water appeared in the apartments, but people decided to hold the event to draw public attention to the problem.
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Miners in the west of Ukraine in protest again by blocking a road
On July 2 in Lviv region, over 50 miners took to the route of international importance Lviv - Rava-Russkaya. Having closed it by blocking the highway, they put forward demands for ending wage arrears. According to the union, the total debt to miners is 761.1 million hryvnia (29 million dollars equivalent). The miners blocked traffic on the road, taking breaks and allowing cars through every 15 minutes.
On the same day, 47 workers of Novovolynskoye mine did not come to the surface in protest at the delay in the payment of wages. The miners have not been paid for three months. Then the miners of one more shift joined them.
The miners intend to continue the fight in other forms - until the full implementation of their demands. For example, on July 4, a picket was held near the Lviv regional administration.
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Abroad
In Argentina, there were mass demonstrations
On July 9, thousands of demonstrators took to the streets of Buenos Aires to express their protest over the allocation of a loan from the International Monetary Fund to the country.
The protesters gathered near the monument "Obelisk" in the center of the city on the day when Argentina marks the next anniversary of independence.
Demonstrators opposed the loan, because they believe that after the allocation of money, the IMF will oblige the authorities to pursue a further policy of reducing government spending and layoffs in the public and private sectors of the economy.
Earlier, the IMF approved granting Argentina a loan of $ 50 billion.
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In Norway, a strike by oil workers
On July 10 more than 700 members of the oil and gas industry workers began a strike. At the same time they demanded that the pension rights were the same for all, regardless of whether the employee is new in the company or has many years of experience. According to the strikers, the wages of oilmen doing drilling work should correspond to the earnings of other workers of the enterprise. Meanwhile, it is lower.
This strike was attended by workers employed at facilities on the Norwegian continental shelf: service ships, mining and drilling offshore platforms. They also hoped that another 900 oilmen would join the strike.
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Protest action in France
In early July, air traffic controllers again announced a daily strike. Hundreds of flights on Western European routes were canceled.
The main demand by the strikers is to raise wages.
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Saturday, July 28, 2018
Authorities tear down mass rallies of protest against pension reform
On July 12, a spontaneous (uncoordinated) rally against raising the retirement age took place in Novosibirsk at the SPSTL on (Pimenov Square). The organizer - the Committee "Pensioners - for a worthy life!" The event was supported by activists of the All-Union Communist Party Bolsheviks (AUCPB).
Spontaneous (uncoordinated) rally at the State Public Scientific Technical Library on July 12
The ruling authorities succeeded this time to disrupt the holding of a mass protest rally against the predatory pension reform.
The Committee "Pensioners for a decent life!" has already held two mass rallies in Novosibirsk - June 16 (on Lenin Square) and June 28 (in Pervomaisky Square) with the active support of a number of socio-political organizations (AUCPB, RKKP, "New Reds" and Left Front). At the last rally on June 28, more than 2,500 people gathered (judging by the number of signatures against the pension reform collected at the rally).
AUCPB at a rally of trade unions FNPR July 17
The rally on July 12 at the SPSL was planned for many thousands to attend. This seriously alarmed the authorities. From mass meeting to meeting the mass protest increased. The authorities quickly found a way to disrupt the rally. They say, at the same time, a cultural youth event "Creativity in the city" had already been announced at the same place. Similar events were announced at other central venues of the city. An appeal against the illegal actions of the mayor's office did not work - the femida took the side of the authorities.
Committee "Pensioners - for a decent life!" rejected the proposal of the mayor's office to postpone the meeting in Narym Square - away from the city center. After all, the authorities grossly violate the current legislation of the Russian Federation, the right of citizens to freedom of assembly. The meeting took place at the National Public Library for Science and Technology in the form of a meeting of citizens. About 500 people gathered - only a few, because the authorities did not give the opportunity to conduct full-fledged agitation. The "Youth" event was not there - music sounded out and 10 ordinary people listened to it. Obviously, this is a setup. The meeting passed without incident. We called on citizens to take part in the following rallies of protest. They collected signatures against the pension reform, 25,000 signatures have already been collected.
Organizers of mass rallies in Novosibirsk intend to continue protest actions. At the next meeting - on July 26 - we submitted three notifications (for three sites): from the Committee "Pensioners for a decent life!" - from the SPSTL (Pimenov square), from the AUCPB - in Pervomaisky square, from the fund "We are against corruption "- at the Globe Theatre. The mayor's office banned all central areas, they were already allegedly being "rallied". Protesters were sent to the periphery - either to the city airport, or to the Ob River.
Bolsheviks of the AUCPB also participated in a rally of FNPR trade unions on July 17 in the park "Gorodskoe start", where we distributed leaflets with an invitation to a rally on July 26.
The next rally against the pension reform will be held on July 26 in the Park "Gorodskoye Nachala" (near the Ob River) at 18:30. The organizers agreed to this site, so that the authorities will not be given the opportunity to stop the rally this time. We call on all Novosibirsk citizens to support the rally on July 26.
EVERYONE TO THE MEETING!
A.V. Denisyuk
The ruling authorities succeeded this time to disrupt the holding of a mass protest rally against the predatory pension reform.
The Committee "Pensioners for a decent life!" has already held two mass rallies in Novosibirsk - June 16 (on Lenin Square) and June 28 (in Pervomaisky Square) with the active support of a number of socio-political organizations (AUCPB, RKKP, "New Reds" and Left Front). At the last rally on June 28, more than 2,500 people gathered (judging by the number of signatures against the pension reform collected at the rally).
AUCPB at a rally of trade unions FNPR July 17
The rally on July 12 at the SPSL was planned for many thousands to attend. This seriously alarmed the authorities. From mass meeting to meeting the mass protest increased. The authorities quickly found a way to disrupt the rally. They say, at the same time, a cultural youth event "Creativity in the city" had already been announced at the same place. Similar events were announced at other central venues of the city. An appeal against the illegal actions of the mayor's office did not work - the femida took the side of the authorities.
Committee "Pensioners - for a decent life!" rejected the proposal of the mayor's office to postpone the meeting in Narym Square - away from the city center. After all, the authorities grossly violate the current legislation of the Russian Federation, the right of citizens to freedom of assembly. The meeting took place at the National Public Library for Science and Technology in the form of a meeting of citizens. About 500 people gathered - only a few, because the authorities did not give the opportunity to conduct full-fledged agitation. The "Youth" event was not there - music sounded out and 10 ordinary people listened to it. Obviously, this is a setup. The meeting passed without incident. We called on citizens to take part in the following rallies of protest. They collected signatures against the pension reform, 25,000 signatures have already been collected.
Organizers of mass rallies in Novosibirsk intend to continue protest actions. At the next meeting - on July 26 - we submitted three notifications (for three sites): from the Committee "Pensioners for a decent life!" - from the SPSTL (Pimenov square), from the AUCPB - in Pervomaisky square, from the fund "We are against corruption "- at the Globe Theatre. The mayor's office banned all central areas, they were already allegedly being "rallied". Protesters were sent to the periphery - either to the city airport, or to the Ob River.
Bolsheviks of the AUCPB also participated in a rally of FNPR trade unions on July 17 in the park "Gorodskoe start", where we distributed leaflets with an invitation to a rally on July 26.
The next rally against the pension reform will be held on July 26 in the Park "Gorodskoye Nachala" (near the Ob River) at 18:30. The organizers agreed to this site, so that the authorities will not be given the opportunity to stop the rally this time. We call on all Novosibirsk citizens to support the rally on July 26.
EVERYONE TO THE MEETING!
A.V. Denisyuk
Monday, July 23, 2018
WHY DO YOU WEEP AT THE ROMANOV'S EXCECUTION?
On the night of July 17 marks the 100th anniversary of the execution of Tsar Nikola1ai the Bloody, his family and his associates on the verdict of the Uralsovet. Undoubtedly, this date will be marked by monarchical and ecclesiastical circles with the another wave of sobbings and tears about the ideal family man Nikolai Aleksandrovich, another curses against the Bolsheviks and arguments about "what Russia we lost"! Well, there are fans of the "rotten", they can not forbid such an enthusiasm. But after all, there are facts of history, there are testimonies of contemporaries, they can not be overwhelmed by emotions!
We will talk about these facts, first of all, about what this crowned ruler of the Russian Empire brought to the people, what events are the main events in his reign, why "the monkish monarchist's" V.V. Shulgin bitterly said - in the February Revolution in Petrograd there would not be twenty people who wanted to speak in defense of the monarchical order.
Key events of the reign of Nicholas II:
- "Khodynka" on May 18 (old style) in 1896. 1389 people died. 1300 received serious injuries.
- Russian-Japanese war of 1904-1905, provoked by the expansionist policy of the tsarist government. 400 thousand killed, wounded, sick and captured Russian soldiers.
- Bloody Sunday, January 9, 1905. About 4,600 people were killed and wounded by the tsarist troops.
- 1905-1909 years. Almost 20,000 people were shot by decisions of the "military field" and "military" courts of tsarist Russia. The number of political prisoners exceeded 100,000 people.
- The monstrous human slaughter - the Great War of 1914-1918, in which the country was drawn by the efforts of the ruling elite headed by Nikolai teh Bloody to achieve goals alien to the people. Over three million people died on the battlefields.
The defender of Nicholas II will not fail to stress: he, Nikolai, knew many foreign languages, was very well-bred (implied - a peaceful, flexible) person. And in the wars he was taken in by deception. No, gentlemen. It was not so. A.N. Kuropatkin in his (published!) diary explains the psychology of the Sovereign: "I told Witte that our Emperor had grandiose plans in his head: to take Manchuria for Russia and go to Russia's annexation of Korea. Dreams of his power to take Tibet too. He wants to take Persia, to seize not only the Bosporus, but also the Dardanelles. What we ministers, according to local circumstances, detain the sovereign in the implementation of his dreams and everything is disappointing, he still thinks he is right, that he understands better than us the questions of Russia's glory and good. Therefore, every Ugly Uprising who sings in unison seems to the Emperor more understanding of his plans than we ministers ... Witte told me that he fully agrees with my diagnosis. "
Maybe the monarchy, Nicholas II defended the Orthodox Church? Let's read the facts of February-March 1917. At the end of February 1917, in spite of the political events taking place in Petrograd, the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), according to Protopresbyter of the military and naval clergy G. Shavelsky, "reigned over the cemetery."
Behind this silence antimonarchic moods were concealed. They were manifested in the reaction of the members of the Synod to appeals to them in those days from citizens and state officials of Russia with requests for the support of the monarchy. Thus, such a request contained a telegram from the Ekaterinoslav Division of the Union of the Russian People of February 23, 1917. The deputy of the Synodal Chief Procurator, Prince N.D. Zhevakhov. In the midst of strikes, on February 26, he proposed to the chairman of the Synod, Metropolitan of Kiev, Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky), to issue an appeal to the population in defense of the monarch - "a warning, formidable warning to the Church, entailing, in case of disobedience, a church punishment." The proclamation was offered not only to read from the church pulpits, but also to paste around the city. Metropolitan Vladimir refused to help the falling monarchy, despite the urgent requests of Zhevakhov. On February 27, the Procurator-General N.P. Raev addressed the synod to condemn the revolutionary movement, noting that the troublemakers "consist of traitors, beginning with members of the State Duma and ending with workers." The Synod rejected this proposal, responding to the chief procurator, that it is still unknown where the treason comes from above or below.
On March 2, 1917 in the chambers of the Moscow Metropolitan a private meeting of members of the Synod and representatives of the Moscow clergy was held. Members of the Synod recognized the need to immediately establish contact with the Executive Committee of the State Duma. This fact gives grounds to assert that the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church recognized the Provisional Government even before Nicholas II abdicated from the throne, which took place on the night of 2 to 3 March.
The first officially-solemn meeting of the Holy Synod took place on March 4 after the coup d'état. It was presided over by Metropolitan Vladimir of Kiev and attended by the new Synodal Chief Procurator. On behalf of the Provisional Government, V.N. Lvov announced the release of the ROC from the guardianship of the state, which had a disastrous effect on church and social life. Members of the Synod expressed sincere joy at the advent of a new era in the life of the Orthodox Church. The members of the Holy Synod addressed the chief procurator and co-pastors with a salutatory word, which spoke of the great prospects for the Russian church that opened after the "revolution gave us (the ROC) freedom from Caesar Papism." At the same time, from the hall of meetings of the Synod, on the initiative of the Chief Prosecutor, the royal thrown was placed in the archives, which in the eyes of the hierarchs was "a symbol of Caesar Papism in the Russian Church," that is, a symbol of the enslavement of the church by the state. It is quite significant that the first-present member of the Synod, Metropolitan Volodymyr, helped to render it to the chief prosecutor. It was decided that thrown be transferred to a museum.
On March 9, the synod addressed with the message "To the faithful children of the Orthodox Russian Church over the current events". There was an appeal to trust the Provisional Government. "The will of God was accomplished," the message began, "Russia has embarked on the path of a new state life. May God bless our great homeland with happiness and glory on its new path." Thus, the synod actually recognized the coup d'etat as legitimate, officially proclaimed the beginning of a new state life for Russia, and declared revolutionary events as the "will of God" that had come to pass.
On March 4, 1917, the Synod received numerous telegrams from Russian bishops asking for a form of prayer for power. In response, two days later, the first member of the Synod, Metropolitan of Kiev, Vladimir, dispatched on his behalf all the dioceses of the ROC telegrams (66 inside Russia and 1 - in New York) with the order that "prayers should be taken for the God-guarded Power of Russia and the Blessed Provisional Government of her." Thus, on March 6, the Russian episcopate ceased to offer prayers for the Tsar.
Modern monarchists, supporters of the "white guard", nationalists are very fond of sighing over some "lost Russia", destroyed by the "bloodthirsty Bolsheviks". It is, of course, the Russian Empire, which for them is the embodiment of "paradise on earth." But was it so for ordinary citizens of the country? Let's see what contemporaries say about this. These are not the words of anybody, but the Minister of Agriculture of 1915-1916 A.Naumov, a very reactionary monarchist, and of course - not a Bolshevik and a revolutionary at all: "Russia does not actually get out of the state of hunger in one or another province, both before the war and during the war." And then he also follows: "Prosperity with speculation in bread, predation, bribery; commission agents supplying grain, make a fortune without leaving the phone. And amid the complete poverty of some - the insane luxury of others. Two steps from the convulsions of starvation death - the orgies of satiety. Around the manors of the powerful are dying villages. They, meanwhile, are busy building new villas and palaces."
Writer V.G. Korolenko, who lived in the village for many years, who was in the early 1890s in other starving regions and organized canteens for hungry people and distributing food loans: "You are a new person, you come across a village with dozens of typhoid patients, as a sick mother leans over the cradle of a sick child to feed him, loses consciousness and lies over him, and there is no one to help, because the husband on the floor mumbles in incoherent delirium. And you are horrified. And the "old campaigner" was used to it. He had already experienced it, he was already horrified twenty years ago, recovered, overcooked, calmed down ... Typhus? But this is always with us! Quinoa? Yes, we have it every year! .. ».
What about children? It turns out that even according to the official statistics of the Tsarist statistics, at least 43% of 6 to 7 million babies born each year did not live to be a year old. In other words, every year in the Empire millions of children died - from hunger, disease, epidemics, poisoning. During the years 1880-1916, no less than 158 million children died, including 96.8 million children during the reign of Nicholas II.
"It's not just ruin, but the direct extinction of the Russian peasantry has been going on with an astonishing rapidity in the last decade," V.I. Lenin after studying hundreds of statistical documents, memoirs, testimonies of eyewitnesses at the end of the XIX century (Lenin, PSS, v. 5, p. 297).
Well, how is the last Russian Tsar Nicholas II? What did he do? Perhaps the tsar was worried with all his heart for the crisis situation in his Empire? Well no! Once he told the Minister of Foreign Affairs, S.D. Sazonov: "I try not to think about anything seriously, otherwise I would have been in a coffin a long time ago." The mentor of the Crown Prince Alexei Pierre Gilliard, who was permanently with the Romanov family from the end of 1905 to May 1918, said: "The task that fell to his lot was too heavy, it exceeded his strength. He himself felt it."
The autumn appeal of 1916 put under the gun 13 million people, and the losses in the war exceeded 2 million. M.K. Lemke, the head of the Stavka press office, testified to the astonishingly indifferent attitude of the tsar to human losses. In 1916, his reaction to the report of the huge losses (up to 50%) in the 5th Army Corps was: "... are they still dying, we will make do with others, we will still have enough."
Rasputin was far from the first in a colorful series of charlatans, fools and "miracle workers", to whom the last ruler of the Russian Empire listened. They flocked to the emperor's residence in Tsarskoye Selo near St. Petersburg, but were almost unknown to the general public. This is Matronushka Bosonozhka, and idiot epileptic Daria Osipova, and Mitka Kolyaba. The latter was born in 1865 and lived in Kozelsk, near the Optina desert. From birth he was maimed: lame, weak-minded, deaf, half-blind and almost dumb, with stumps instead of hands. Mitka communicated with others with the help of guttural screams, cries, growls and swings of his stumps.
And this Nicholas the Bloody, the Russian Orthodox Church made in 2000 a saint by "class" "passion-bearers." This scandalous act caused great controversy in the church circles themselves. So Metropolitan Nicholas of Nizhny Novgorod: "... when all the bishops signed the canonization act, I marked with my signature that I signed everything except the third paragraph. In the third paragraph the king-father was walking, and under his canonization I did not sign. ... he is a traitor to the state. ... he, you can say, sanctioned the collapse of the country. And otherwise no one will convince me. " The attribution of Nicholas II to the saints is, of course, a purely political step, clearly fixing the ROC's ideological position as fiercely anti-Soviet. He was really right, L.N. Tolstoy, when he sharply criticized the Church for what, in his opinion, its interests are higher than the original Christian ideals.
Someone who defends the monarchy, "embarrass" - but the Bolsheviks seized the huge wealth of the church (recall: aimed at saving millions from starvation). For clarity in understanding the problem of seizure, it should be recalled that for two hundred years of the synodal administration of the church, introduced by Peter I, there were state persecutions at the ROC, especially during the reign of Catherine II. Nearly all the land (about 8.5 million dessiatins) and over 900,000 peasant souls were male by the church; 754 of the 954 previously existing monasteries were closed.
Well, the crown argument of "grief-patriots": the Bolsheviks killed the "Russian" king ... But who said that he is Russian?! The Ambassador of France to Russia in 1915-1916, Maurice Palaeologus calculated that Nicholas II is only "Russian" by blood, while the rest is German.
The authoritative "Gotha Almanac" clearly states that the "Holshtein-Gottorp-Romanovs" dynasty ruled Russia. The "Romanovs" are only the surname of their ancestors, and in the life of Russia the Holstein-Gottorp house rules ruled for centuries. Well, who is the ancestor of the Romanovs? We take the official history of the "House of the Romanovs", published by 1913. The ancestor of the House - Glanda-Kambila Divonovic from the House of Nedron Vedavitovich, of "Prussian-Lithuanian" origin, moved to Russia in 1283 and was baptized in the church as Ivan Kobyl. From this it went the Zakharyiny-Romanovs. This is the story behind these Romanovs.
For several decades the history of the remains of the Romanov family has been dragging on.
Analyzing the structure of the DNA of the Ekaterinburg remains and comparing them with the analysis of the DNA of Nicholas II's brother Grand Duke George Romanov, Tikhon Kulikovsky-Romanov's native nephew, Tatsuo Nagai, professor of the Tokyo Institute of Microbiology, came to the conclusion that the remains discovered near Yekaterinburg do not belong to Nikolai Romanov and the members his family.
The arguments of Tatsuo Nagai are strong. Unlike the government commission, he took for comparison the closest relatives. The Japanese took advantage of the fact that in the young years the future emperor visited Japan and was assassinated. The Japanese retained his handkerchief, a vest, a sofa on which he was sitting, and a sword that had been used to strike him. All this is in the museum of Otsu. Japanese scientists studied the DNA of the blood, which remained on the scarf after the wound, and the DNA from the bones of the skeleton, discovered in Yekaterinburg. The answer is unambiguous - the bones from Ekaterinburg have nothing to do with the person of Nikolai Romanov.
Additional arguments. In the diaries of Nicholas II, when he was in Tobolsk, there is a note: "I was sitting at the dentist." In all of Tobolsk, at the time there was only one dentist: Maria Lazarevna Rendel. She left her son with a record of Nicholas II's teeth. She told me what seals she applied. Compared with the jaws of the skeleton of the "alleged Nicholas Romanov". It turned out - nothing matches.
In the State Archives of the Russian Federation on Bolshaya Pirogovskaya, 17 - records of the medical officer Eugen S. Botkin. In one of the diaries there is a phrase: "Nicholas II unsuccessfully climbed on a horse." Fell, fractured leg, pain localized, cast plaster. " But there is not a single fracture on the skeleton, which is being tested for the skeleton of the former emperor.
Patriarch Alexy II on the eve of the Council of Bishops of 2000, who performed the act of glorifying the royal family, spoke about the remains found near Yekaterinburg: "We have doubts about the authenticity of the remains, and we can not call on believers to worship falsehoods ..." Alexis II repeatedly positively responded on the results of research by Tatsuto Nagai.
On the question of relics, the government of the Russian Federation contrasts the authoritative scientific experts opinion with the highest hierarchs of the ROC with its thoroughly politicized "opinion." "I will spin what I want." On October 23, 1993, by order of the government of the Russian Federation, a commission was established to study the issues related to the research and reburial of the remains of the former Russian Emperor Nicholas II and his family members. Until 1997, its chairman was the Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Yuri Yarov, then - Deputy Prime Minister Boris Nemtsov. On February 27, 1998, the Russian government decided to bury the remains of Nicholas II and his family in St. Peter and St. Paul's Cathedral. The burial took place on July 17, 1998. The decision on the remains was taken not by the court, but by the government of the Russian Federation of the times of Chernomyrdin! Piquant detail: the house of Ipatiev, where the execution of the Romanovs occurred, was demolished at the direction of B. Yeltsin, the first secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU, in September 1977.
On July 17, 1918 there was no "execution of the royal family." Colonel Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov was shot. We should not go on about the various demagogues-monarchists. The Tsar were abolished de facto during the February Revolution of 1917, and de jure on September 1, 1917, still under the Provisional Government. And now, as in 1917, most of the citizens of Russia prefer the republic over all other forms of government. These are the results of a survey conducted by the All-Russian Public Opinion Center (VCIOM). This state system - the republic - was named the most suitable by 88 percent of respondents.
S.V. Khristenko
We will talk about these facts, first of all, about what this crowned ruler of the Russian Empire brought to the people, what events are the main events in his reign, why "the monkish monarchist's" V.V. Shulgin bitterly said - in the February Revolution in Petrograd there would not be twenty people who wanted to speak in defense of the monarchical order.
Key events of the reign of Nicholas II:
- "Khodynka" on May 18 (old style) in 1896. 1389 people died. 1300 received serious injuries.
- Russian-Japanese war of 1904-1905, provoked by the expansionist policy of the tsarist government. 400 thousand killed, wounded, sick and captured Russian soldiers.
- Bloody Sunday, January 9, 1905. About 4,600 people were killed and wounded by the tsarist troops.
- 1905-1909 years. Almost 20,000 people were shot by decisions of the "military field" and "military" courts of tsarist Russia. The number of political prisoners exceeded 100,000 people.
- The monstrous human slaughter - the Great War of 1914-1918, in which the country was drawn by the efforts of the ruling elite headed by Nikolai teh Bloody to achieve goals alien to the people. Over three million people died on the battlefields.
The defender of Nicholas II will not fail to stress: he, Nikolai, knew many foreign languages, was very well-bred (implied - a peaceful, flexible) person. And in the wars he was taken in by deception. No, gentlemen. It was not so. A.N. Kuropatkin in his (published!) diary explains the psychology of the Sovereign: "I told Witte that our Emperor had grandiose plans in his head: to take Manchuria for Russia and go to Russia's annexation of Korea. Dreams of his power to take Tibet too. He wants to take Persia, to seize not only the Bosporus, but also the Dardanelles. What we ministers, according to local circumstances, detain the sovereign in the implementation of his dreams and everything is disappointing, he still thinks he is right, that he understands better than us the questions of Russia's glory and good. Therefore, every Ugly Uprising who sings in unison seems to the Emperor more understanding of his plans than we ministers ... Witte told me that he fully agrees with my diagnosis. "
Maybe the monarchy, Nicholas II defended the Orthodox Church? Let's read the facts of February-March 1917. At the end of February 1917, in spite of the political events taking place in Petrograd, the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), according to Protopresbyter of the military and naval clergy G. Shavelsky, "reigned over the cemetery."
Behind this silence antimonarchic moods were concealed. They were manifested in the reaction of the members of the Synod to appeals to them in those days from citizens and state officials of Russia with requests for the support of the monarchy. Thus, such a request contained a telegram from the Ekaterinoslav Division of the Union of the Russian People of February 23, 1917. The deputy of the Synodal Chief Procurator, Prince N.D. Zhevakhov. In the midst of strikes, on February 26, he proposed to the chairman of the Synod, Metropolitan of Kiev, Vladimir (Bogoyavlensky), to issue an appeal to the population in defense of the monarch - "a warning, formidable warning to the Church, entailing, in case of disobedience, a church punishment." The proclamation was offered not only to read from the church pulpits, but also to paste around the city. Metropolitan Vladimir refused to help the falling monarchy, despite the urgent requests of Zhevakhov. On February 27, the Procurator-General N.P. Raev addressed the synod to condemn the revolutionary movement, noting that the troublemakers "consist of traitors, beginning with members of the State Duma and ending with workers." The Synod rejected this proposal, responding to the chief procurator, that it is still unknown where the treason comes from above or below.
On March 2, 1917 in the chambers of the Moscow Metropolitan a private meeting of members of the Synod and representatives of the Moscow clergy was held. Members of the Synod recognized the need to immediately establish contact with the Executive Committee of the State Duma. This fact gives grounds to assert that the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church recognized the Provisional Government even before Nicholas II abdicated from the throne, which took place on the night of 2 to 3 March.
The first officially-solemn meeting of the Holy Synod took place on March 4 after the coup d'état. It was presided over by Metropolitan Vladimir of Kiev and attended by the new Synodal Chief Procurator. On behalf of the Provisional Government, V.N. Lvov announced the release of the ROC from the guardianship of the state, which had a disastrous effect on church and social life. Members of the Synod expressed sincere joy at the advent of a new era in the life of the Orthodox Church. The members of the Holy Synod addressed the chief procurator and co-pastors with a salutatory word, which spoke of the great prospects for the Russian church that opened after the "revolution gave us (the ROC) freedom from Caesar Papism." At the same time, from the hall of meetings of the Synod, on the initiative of the Chief Prosecutor, the royal thrown was placed in the archives, which in the eyes of the hierarchs was "a symbol of Caesar Papism in the Russian Church," that is, a symbol of the enslavement of the church by the state. It is quite significant that the first-present member of the Synod, Metropolitan Volodymyr, helped to render it to the chief prosecutor. It was decided that thrown be transferred to a museum.
On March 9, the synod addressed with the message "To the faithful children of the Orthodox Russian Church over the current events". There was an appeal to trust the Provisional Government. "The will of God was accomplished," the message began, "Russia has embarked on the path of a new state life. May God bless our great homeland with happiness and glory on its new path." Thus, the synod actually recognized the coup d'etat as legitimate, officially proclaimed the beginning of a new state life for Russia, and declared revolutionary events as the "will of God" that had come to pass.
On March 4, 1917, the Synod received numerous telegrams from Russian bishops asking for a form of prayer for power. In response, two days later, the first member of the Synod, Metropolitan of Kiev, Vladimir, dispatched on his behalf all the dioceses of the ROC telegrams (66 inside Russia and 1 - in New York) with the order that "prayers should be taken for the God-guarded Power of Russia and the Blessed Provisional Government of her." Thus, on March 6, the Russian episcopate ceased to offer prayers for the Tsar.
Modern monarchists, supporters of the "white guard", nationalists are very fond of sighing over some "lost Russia", destroyed by the "bloodthirsty Bolsheviks". It is, of course, the Russian Empire, which for them is the embodiment of "paradise on earth." But was it so for ordinary citizens of the country? Let's see what contemporaries say about this. These are not the words of anybody, but the Minister of Agriculture of 1915-1916 A.Naumov, a very reactionary monarchist, and of course - not a Bolshevik and a revolutionary at all: "Russia does not actually get out of the state of hunger in one or another province, both before the war and during the war." And then he also follows: "Prosperity with speculation in bread, predation, bribery; commission agents supplying grain, make a fortune without leaving the phone. And amid the complete poverty of some - the insane luxury of others. Two steps from the convulsions of starvation death - the orgies of satiety. Around the manors of the powerful are dying villages. They, meanwhile, are busy building new villas and palaces."
Writer V.G. Korolenko, who lived in the village for many years, who was in the early 1890s in other starving regions and organized canteens for hungry people and distributing food loans: "You are a new person, you come across a village with dozens of typhoid patients, as a sick mother leans over the cradle of a sick child to feed him, loses consciousness and lies over him, and there is no one to help, because the husband on the floor mumbles in incoherent delirium. And you are horrified. And the "old campaigner" was used to it. He had already experienced it, he was already horrified twenty years ago, recovered, overcooked, calmed down ... Typhus? But this is always with us! Quinoa? Yes, we have it every year! .. ».
What about children? It turns out that even according to the official statistics of the Tsarist statistics, at least 43% of 6 to 7 million babies born each year did not live to be a year old. In other words, every year in the Empire millions of children died - from hunger, disease, epidemics, poisoning. During the years 1880-1916, no less than 158 million children died, including 96.8 million children during the reign of Nicholas II.
"It's not just ruin, but the direct extinction of the Russian peasantry has been going on with an astonishing rapidity in the last decade," V.I. Lenin after studying hundreds of statistical documents, memoirs, testimonies of eyewitnesses at the end of the XIX century (Lenin, PSS, v. 5, p. 297).
Well, how is the last Russian Tsar Nicholas II? What did he do? Perhaps the tsar was worried with all his heart for the crisis situation in his Empire? Well no! Once he told the Minister of Foreign Affairs, S.D. Sazonov: "I try not to think about anything seriously, otherwise I would have been in a coffin a long time ago." The mentor of the Crown Prince Alexei Pierre Gilliard, who was permanently with the Romanov family from the end of 1905 to May 1918, said: "The task that fell to his lot was too heavy, it exceeded his strength. He himself felt it."
The autumn appeal of 1916 put under the gun 13 million people, and the losses in the war exceeded 2 million. M.K. Lemke, the head of the Stavka press office, testified to the astonishingly indifferent attitude of the tsar to human losses. In 1916, his reaction to the report of the huge losses (up to 50%) in the 5th Army Corps was: "... are they still dying, we will make do with others, we will still have enough."
Rasputin was far from the first in a colorful series of charlatans, fools and "miracle workers", to whom the last ruler of the Russian Empire listened. They flocked to the emperor's residence in Tsarskoye Selo near St. Petersburg, but were almost unknown to the general public. This is Matronushka Bosonozhka, and idiot epileptic Daria Osipova, and Mitka Kolyaba. The latter was born in 1865 and lived in Kozelsk, near the Optina desert. From birth he was maimed: lame, weak-minded, deaf, half-blind and almost dumb, with stumps instead of hands. Mitka communicated with others with the help of guttural screams, cries, growls and swings of his stumps.
And this Nicholas the Bloody, the Russian Orthodox Church made in 2000 a saint by "class" "passion-bearers." This scandalous act caused great controversy in the church circles themselves. So Metropolitan Nicholas of Nizhny Novgorod: "... when all the bishops signed the canonization act, I marked with my signature that I signed everything except the third paragraph. In the third paragraph the king-father was walking, and under his canonization I did not sign. ... he is a traitor to the state. ... he, you can say, sanctioned the collapse of the country. And otherwise no one will convince me. " The attribution of Nicholas II to the saints is, of course, a purely political step, clearly fixing the ROC's ideological position as fiercely anti-Soviet. He was really right, L.N. Tolstoy, when he sharply criticized the Church for what, in his opinion, its interests are higher than the original Christian ideals.
Someone who defends the monarchy, "embarrass" - but the Bolsheviks seized the huge wealth of the church (recall: aimed at saving millions from starvation). For clarity in understanding the problem of seizure, it should be recalled that for two hundred years of the synodal administration of the church, introduced by Peter I, there were state persecutions at the ROC, especially during the reign of Catherine II. Nearly all the land (about 8.5 million dessiatins) and over 900,000 peasant souls were male by the church; 754 of the 954 previously existing monasteries were closed.
Well, the crown argument of "grief-patriots": the Bolsheviks killed the "Russian" king ... But who said that he is Russian?! The Ambassador of France to Russia in 1915-1916, Maurice Palaeologus calculated that Nicholas II is only "Russian" by blood, while the rest is German.
The authoritative "Gotha Almanac" clearly states that the "Holshtein-Gottorp-Romanovs" dynasty ruled Russia. The "Romanovs" are only the surname of their ancestors, and in the life of Russia the Holstein-Gottorp house rules ruled for centuries. Well, who is the ancestor of the Romanovs? We take the official history of the "House of the Romanovs", published by 1913. The ancestor of the House - Glanda-Kambila Divonovic from the House of Nedron Vedavitovich, of "Prussian-Lithuanian" origin, moved to Russia in 1283 and was baptized in the church as Ivan Kobyl. From this it went the Zakharyiny-Romanovs. This is the story behind these Romanovs.
For several decades the history of the remains of the Romanov family has been dragging on.
Analyzing the structure of the DNA of the Ekaterinburg remains and comparing them with the analysis of the DNA of Nicholas II's brother Grand Duke George Romanov, Tikhon Kulikovsky-Romanov's native nephew, Tatsuo Nagai, professor of the Tokyo Institute of Microbiology, came to the conclusion that the remains discovered near Yekaterinburg do not belong to Nikolai Romanov and the members his family.
The arguments of Tatsuo Nagai are strong. Unlike the government commission, he took for comparison the closest relatives. The Japanese took advantage of the fact that in the young years the future emperor visited Japan and was assassinated. The Japanese retained his handkerchief, a vest, a sofa on which he was sitting, and a sword that had been used to strike him. All this is in the museum of Otsu. Japanese scientists studied the DNA of the blood, which remained on the scarf after the wound, and the DNA from the bones of the skeleton, discovered in Yekaterinburg. The answer is unambiguous - the bones from Ekaterinburg have nothing to do with the person of Nikolai Romanov.
Additional arguments. In the diaries of Nicholas II, when he was in Tobolsk, there is a note: "I was sitting at the dentist." In all of Tobolsk, at the time there was only one dentist: Maria Lazarevna Rendel. She left her son with a record of Nicholas II's teeth. She told me what seals she applied. Compared with the jaws of the skeleton of the "alleged Nicholas Romanov". It turned out - nothing matches.
In the State Archives of the Russian Federation on Bolshaya Pirogovskaya, 17 - records of the medical officer Eugen S. Botkin. In one of the diaries there is a phrase: "Nicholas II unsuccessfully climbed on a horse." Fell, fractured leg, pain localized, cast plaster. " But there is not a single fracture on the skeleton, which is being tested for the skeleton of the former emperor.
Patriarch Alexy II on the eve of the Council of Bishops of 2000, who performed the act of glorifying the royal family, spoke about the remains found near Yekaterinburg: "We have doubts about the authenticity of the remains, and we can not call on believers to worship falsehoods ..." Alexis II repeatedly positively responded on the results of research by Tatsuto Nagai.
On the question of relics, the government of the Russian Federation contrasts the authoritative scientific experts opinion with the highest hierarchs of the ROC with its thoroughly politicized "opinion." "I will spin what I want." On October 23, 1993, by order of the government of the Russian Federation, a commission was established to study the issues related to the research and reburial of the remains of the former Russian Emperor Nicholas II and his family members. Until 1997, its chairman was the Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation Yuri Yarov, then - Deputy Prime Minister Boris Nemtsov. On February 27, 1998, the Russian government decided to bury the remains of Nicholas II and his family in St. Peter and St. Paul's Cathedral. The burial took place on July 17, 1998. The decision on the remains was taken not by the court, but by the government of the Russian Federation of the times of Chernomyrdin! Piquant detail: the house of Ipatiev, where the execution of the Romanovs occurred, was demolished at the direction of B. Yeltsin, the first secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU, in September 1977.
On July 17, 1918 there was no "execution of the royal family." Colonel Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov was shot. We should not go on about the various demagogues-monarchists. The Tsar were abolished de facto during the February Revolution of 1917, and de jure on September 1, 1917, still under the Provisional Government. And now, as in 1917, most of the citizens of Russia prefer the republic over all other forms of government. These are the results of a survey conducted by the All-Russian Public Opinion Center (VCIOM). This state system - the republic - was named the most suitable by 88 percent of respondents.
S.V. Khristenko
In Simferopol, a rally was held against the pension reform
The authorities tried to hinder it in every possible way, and therefore the venue was far from the city center - in Yu.A. Gagarin park . The application for the event was submitted by the Simferopol city branch of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and our Crimean organization of the AUCPB took part in it.
The "AUCPB" banner was met with interest not only by local media, but also by representatives of the police, which hovered around the protesters in numerous numbers, both in uniform and "plain clothes". Moreover, the police special forces appeared to be there by accident - they pretended to be sportsmen doing morning training. There were dog handlers with police dogs. They were not just a team.
More than a hundred copies of AUCPB leaflets were distributed into the hands of Crimeans, including people from Sevastopol and as well as Belogorians, who turned out to be at a rally. A lot of journalists and ordinary photographers approached the representatives of the AUCPB, taking photos from various angles of the banner and the Bolsheviks.
There were interesting episodes. So, one of the decently dressed citizens approached and asked who is the leader of our party. The answer is that it is N.A. Andreeva satisfied him. Immediately he stated that he knew her personally, and "was at events in Leningrad." And he said that the head of state also considers Nina Alexandrovna as an authoritative politician.
Another point. At the event there were no more than 300 people, most of them pensioners. That target audience, young people and middle-aged citizens made up less than a third. Therefore, the goal of the event was not achieved. It was stated that at the end of the month there will be a repeat rally, already more massive in the center of the city. Be that as it may, the Crimean organization will continue to conduct explanatory work among the population.
Crimean organization of the AUCPB
08.07. 2018
The "AUCPB" banner was met with interest not only by local media, but also by representatives of the police, which hovered around the protesters in numerous numbers, both in uniform and "plain clothes". Moreover, the police special forces appeared to be there by accident - they pretended to be sportsmen doing morning training. There were dog handlers with police dogs. They were not just a team.
More than a hundred copies of AUCPB leaflets were distributed into the hands of Crimeans, including people from Sevastopol and as well as Belogorians, who turned out to be at a rally. A lot of journalists and ordinary photographers approached the representatives of the AUCPB, taking photos from various angles of the banner and the Bolsheviks.
There were interesting episodes. So, one of the decently dressed citizens approached and asked who is the leader of our party. The answer is that it is N.A. Andreeva satisfied him. Immediately he stated that he knew her personally, and "was at events in Leningrad." And he said that the head of state also considers Nina Alexandrovna as an authoritative politician.
Another point. At the event there were no more than 300 people, most of them pensioners. That target audience, young people and middle-aged citizens made up less than a third. Therefore, the goal of the event was not achieved. It was stated that at the end of the month there will be a repeat rally, already more massive in the center of the city. Be that as it may, the Crimean organization will continue to conduct explanatory work among the population.
Crimean organization of the AUCPB
08.07. 2018
Red commander Kliment Voroshilov on the civil war in the South of Russia in the summer of 1918
Comrade Stalin began his military work with the Tsaritsin Front, and quite by accident. In early June 1918, Comrade Stalin, with a detachment of Red Army men and two car brigades, was sent to Tsaritsyn as head of the entire food business in the south of Russia.
In Tsaritsyn he finds incredible chaos not only in the Soviet, professional and party organizations, but even greater confusion and confusion in the military command. At every step, Comrade Stalin encounters obstacles of a general nature that prevent him from carrying out his direct task. These obstacles were primarily due to the rapidly growing Cossack counterrevolution, which at that time received abundant support from the German invaders who occupied Ukraine. Cossack counterrevolutionary gangs soon seize a number of nearby points from Tsaritsyn and thereby not only frustrate the possibility of systematic harvesting of bread for starving Moscow and Leningrad, but also create an extreme danger for Tsaritsyn.
It is no better situation at this time and in other places. In Moscow, a Left-Socialist-Revolutionary uprising takes place, in the east Muravyov is changing, the Czechoslovak counter-revolution is developing and strengthening in the Urals, and in the extreme south, the English are heading towards Baku. Everything burns in a ring of fire. The revolution is going through its greatest trials. Telegram after telegram flies along the wires to Comrade Stalin in Tsaritsyn from Lenin and back. Lenin warns of dangers, encourages, demands decisive measures. The position of Tsaritsyn assumes enormous importance. With the uprising on the Don and the loss of Tsaritsyn, we risk losing all that produces the rich grain-producing North Caucasus. And Comrade Stalin clearly understands this. As an experienced revolutionary, he soon comes to the conviction; that his work will have some meaning only if he can influence the military command, whose role in these conditions becomes decisive.
"The line to the south of Tsaritsyn has not yet been restored," he wrote to Lenin in a note dated July 7, transmitted with the characteristic inscription: "I'm hurrying to the front, I'm writing only on the case."
"I drive and scold everyone I need, I hope, will soon be restored. You can be sure that we will not spare anyone - neither ourselves, nor others, but we will give bread.
If our military "specialists" (shoemakers!) Did not sleep and did not mess around, the line would not be interrupted; and if the line is restored, it is not thanks to the military, but in spite of them. "
And further, answering Lenin's concern about the possible performance of the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries in Tsaritsyn, he writes briefly, but firmly and clearly:
"As for the hysterical, rest assured, our hand will not falter, we will act with enemies in an enemy manner."
As he looks more and more at the military apparatus, Comrade Stalin is convinced of his complete helplessness, and in some his part, of a direct reluctance to organize a rebuff of the impudent counter-revolution.
And already on July 11, 1918 Comrade Stalin telegraphed Lenin:
"The matter is complicated by the fact that the headquarters of the North Caucasus District was completely unsuited to the conditions of the struggle against the counter-revolution. It's not just that our "experts" are psychologically incapable of a decisive war against the counter-revolution, but also that they are "staff" workers who can only "draw blueprints" and give plans for reorganization, are absolutely indifferent to operational actions ... and generally feel like outsiders, guests. The military commissions failed to fill the gap ... "
Comrade Stalin is not limited to this annihilating characteristic; in the same note he makes for himself an effective conclusion:
"To look at this indifferently, when the front of Kalnina is divorced from the supply point, and the north from the grain district, I consider myself not in the right. I will correct these and many other shortcomings on the ground, I take a number of measures and will take up to the dismissal of the corrupt officials and commanders, despite the formal difficulties that I will, if necessary, break. At the same time it is clear that I take full responsibility for all higher institutions."
The situation became more and more tense. Comrade Stalin is developing tremendous energy and in a very short time from the emergency commissioner for food turns into the actual leader of all the red forces of the Tsaritsyn Front. This situation is getting formalized in Moscow, and Comrade Stalin is entrusted with the tasks: "to bring order, to unite the detachments into regular units, to establish the proper command, expelling all defiant" (from the telegram of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Republic with the inscription: "This telegram is sent in agreement with Lenin").
By this time, the remains of Ukrainian revolutionary armies, retreating under the onslaught of German troops through the Don steppes, approached Tsaritsyn.
Comrade Stalin is lead this together with the creation of a Revolutionary Military Council, which begins the organization of a regular army. The furious nature of Comrade Stalin, his energy and will made possible what seemed impossible yesterday. Within a very short time, divisions, brigades and regiments are created. The staff, supply agencies and the whole rear are radically cleaned of counter-revolutionary and hostile elements. The Soviet and Party apparatus is improving and tightening up. A group of old Bolsheviks and revolutionary workers unites around Comrade Stalin, and instead of a helpless staff, a red Bolshevik fortress grows in the south, at the gates of the counter-revolutionary Don ...
From the article K.E. Voroshilov "Stalin and the Red Army", 1929.
Sunday, July 15, 2018
HISTORY OF RESISTANCE
In 2002, the following criminal case rattled throughout Ukraine. Whether or not a joke, a group of young people dared to challenge the entire Ukrainian state machine. And to challenge not just in words - not only in the form of newspaper and Internet publications, demonstrations, rallies and pickets - but by and taking up arms.
Criminal case number 144. The case of Odessa Komsomol members. I was destined to become the inspirer and organizer of this group. At least that's how the SBU (Special Branch of Ukraine) framed it by stealing the criminal case. I can say that it is a great honor for me. Once again I thank all the group members for their heroism and self-sacrifice. I will only say one thing: we were ahead of our time by our actions, we showed an example, but they were not taken advantage of by fighters against the Ukrainian nationalist state. Historical development still led in 2014 to armed resistance, but only in a state of extreme disorganization, lack of experience and a program of action.
Many now for some reason believe that Ukraine until 2014 was quite an acceptable state in the social sense, a state that maintains neutrality on the international scene and is quite friendly towards Russia in cultural and economic terms. It seems that everything went very well, but angry raguli came from banderstadt, overthrew Yanukovych's darling douche and a war began in which we are all now more or less involved. This is not entirely true.
Ukraine since its birth was an anti-Soviet, anti-Russian and extremely nationalist state. All stories about the peacefulness and non-alignment of Ukraine are a lie. Immediately after gaining "independence" in 1991, Ukraine joined the North Atlantic Cooperation Council. As if afraid of being late, she was the first among the CIS countries in 1994 to join NATO's Partnership for Peace program. As the "peace" of NATO strategists see, we saw already in 1999, when the aircraft of the bloc ruthlessly bombed Yugoslavia. Ukraine has not stood aside either. In the midst of the "Kosovo crisis" in 1999, "peace-loving" Ukraine supported the actions of NATO and even for several hours blocked its airspace for Russian aircraft flying to Pristina. And it was at this time, in April 1999, that a NATO mission was opened in Kiev. Further more, in 2001 - the training center of the "International Center for Peacemaking and Security" was opened in Yavorov. Well, in 2004, after the conflict with Russia around the island of Tuzla, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (Upper House) passed a law on the free access of NATO forces onto the territory of Ukraine.
Against the backdrop of all these events, with the beginning of the joint Sea Breeze exercises, in Ukraine, direct resistance to NATO's creeping expansion to the east began. As a rule, only communist and socialist parties and organizations of Ukraine participated in this struggle. We blocked the roads, preventing NATO soldiers from passing through in Odessa, tried to block the passage of military equipment that landed near Odessa and then moved to the Nikolayev polygon "Shiroky Lan". There were demonstrations and rallies of protest, pickets were held. It's clear that such a fight against militants armed to the teeth is ineffective, but in this way we showed our opposition.
As a result, we got between the hammer and the anvil, on the one hand the hatred of NATO emissaries, on the other - the hatred of the Ukrainian militia and officials. As a state, Russia did not resist this process. Moreover, in 1998 she herself participated in the Sea Breeze exercises, which, incidentally, were directed against Russia itself. Absurd!
And we must remember the completely monstrous social and economic situation in the country in the late 90's ...
It was in these conditions that an armed group of communist-revolutionaries was created. We called ourselves that. Many now say that we did not have an action program. There was!
The main point of our program was the breakdown of all relations with NATO and the creation of a military-political alliance with Russia, right up to the re-creation of the USSR. Although we understood that the state leadership of Russia did not care about all our programs! It did not matter to us. We knew that the truth was behind us and it was in the friendship of peoples. First of all, the Slavic peoples. After all, we were divided by order of the Western oligarchs. And, as we see now, they managed to shoot us in the war.
Our economic program was as follows:
1. The breakdown of all relations with the IMF and the renunciation of debt obligations to this predatory organization.
2. Entering the Eurasian economic structures, friendship and cooperation primarily with Russia and Belarus.
3. Nationalization of all major industry, land, transport, etc.
And most importantly, what we understood then, in the early 2000s: it is impossible to do this by election of the president or parliament deputies. They would not allow this. Saving the country and its people is possible only through the beginning of guerrilla war against the criminal state machine of Ukraine.
In 2002, after the elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, as a participant in the election campaign, I got a map of Ukraine with the results of voting. All at once it became clear. The country is divided exactly in half. The whole south-east of Ukraine voted for the communists, which means for socio-economic changes, for friendship with Russia, against NATO, the United States and the IMF. The rest of Ukraine voted for for nationalists, for NATO, the US and the IMF. It became clear - divorce is inevitable. We will not be able to live in these countries with these people. We are too different. And our group proclaimed the need for the separation of the southeast of Ukraine from the dictates of Kiev and the creation of a Black Sea Soviet Socialist Republic within the territories that we now call Novorossiya. We began distributing leaflets with this idea among military units, publishing articles in newspapers on this topic. And this is very troubling to the SBU. An external surveillance was set up behind me, one of the vigilant soldiers accidentally saw the number plate of my car.
In addition, our group organized strikes, participated in all protests in Ukraine, we committed several expropriations of funds to finance the organization, blew up the entrance to the main building of the Security Service in Kiev, as a retaliation for the brutal crackdown on the protest action "Ukraine without Kuchma" near the National Bank . We began the creation of a militant, armed trade union. We did not have time to see this all through.
In December 2002, arrests of members of the organization began. And then the rebels of the SBU "Alpha" stormed an apartment in Mykolayiv, where my comrades were. There was a fight. My companions kept up the defense for more than 15 minutes, and then they ran out of ammunition. The forces were not equal.
Immediately began the torture. To be fair, I would say that Alfa employees did not mess their hands with bullying the unarmed. But they risked their lives, walking under bullets during the storming of the apartment and getting injured. To the "distinguished" police of the Leninsky district police department of the city of Nikolaev, is where the detainees were taken. They were abused like sweetness. When I say "torture", I do not mean ordinary beatings. I'm talking about needles pinned under the nails, about connecting electricity to the genitals, putting on gas mask, squeezing the hose and, when a person intuitively tries to breathe, a cotton wool with ammonia is brought to the hole. So my friend Igor Danilov received technical pneumonia, which later, in a colony, developed into tuberculosis. When I'm talking about torture, I mean suspending a person on the rack, when handcuffs cut the skin on the hands to the bone, I'm talking about the hunger and cold in which members of our group were kept. In order to stop the torture, Oleg Alekseev tried to commit suicide by hitting a ballpoint pen in his eye. He went blind in one eye, but he survived, the frightened executioners stopped the torture. The youngest in our group - 17-year-old Sergei Berdyugin died in September 2003 from a liver rupture and numerous internal injuries, received in December 2002 in the city of Nikolaev. In the pre-trial detention center of the city of Odessa, he was not given any medical assistance. "The heirs of the Nazi doctor Mengele" just sneered at him.
To survive torture is impossible, so very many guys talked themselves out and named me as the organizer. I do not blame them for that. I have no right. I was not tortured as a leader. There was no need. That's why I did not give any testimony. Already during the trial the guys refused their testimony, which they gave under torture, but this was before the bulb to the Ukrainian "justice". The order came from them ...
The case was loud, under Kuchma's personal control, the investigation was conducted by a group of investigators from all over Ukraine. And you know that it's interesting, only the Crimean investigators of the SBU and from Western Ukraine treated us humanly. Moreover, the latter did not conceal their radical nationalist views and liked to repeat that "we (the nationalists) want to overthrow this power on the right, and you are on the left". Here is such vital irony.
The investigation finished quickly. Already in September 2003, a lawsuit began, which also went quite quickly. It seemed that the authorities were in a hurry.
The "orange revolution" was on the horizon. A change of power in our favour was not in affect, although our relatives met with the top leadership of Ukraine and talked about the torture. The "supreme authority" quickly figuring out who we are, decided to abandon us far away from sin inside the prisons and camps of the archipelago of Ukraine's UIN. In 2005, after a senseless and ruthless Supreme Court, which began to examine our a long epic appeal whilst behind barbed wire. Everyone received huge prisons sentence of between 10 to 14 years. I was given a maximum of 14 as the leader and organizer.
First I found myself in the Sokiryansk correctional colony No. 67 in the Chernivtsi region, in the maximum security chamber. This is the most strict regime of detention in Ukraine. Worse than the regime of life imprisonment. But by the summer of 2006, the administration of the Sokiryansk colony realized that such an inhabitant, as I was not needed by them. Very often I had to write complaints and appeals to the prosecutor's office and the ombudsman about the brutal treatment of the jailers to prisoners and inhuman conditions of detention in the colony. What can I say, in the winter of 2005-2006 there was no heating in the colony at all. And not only in the premises for the convicts! In the room for long visits, there were also subzero temperatures. My mother came to see me, and in this room I had to sleep dressed. After this visit, she fell ill with a severe form of bronchitis. Coughing and struggling with the temperature, she described in detail these "delights" in a letter addressed to the Prosecutor General. I wrote for my part in Strasbourg, a complaint to the ECHR. In short, in the summer of 2006, I was quickly replaced by a more mild regime and, in the very heat (knowing about my sick heart), was sent to the other end of Ukraine. To the Donbass. Curiously, my relatives wrote a statement to the Department of the IN with a request to transfer me to sit out the time closer to home. There is such a rule of law. The higher jailers from Kiev answered - of course, it will be so, all according to the law! And sent even further from his native Odessa. No one then could have imagined that a war would break out. Although we knew it back in 2000, Ukraine was pregnant with civil war.
Everything ends and ended 1.5 months of a terrible stage across the whole of Ukraine. In the scorching "funnels" and "Stolypin" wagons, in stuffy transit chambers, swarming with bedbugs and rats, with screams of jailers and bullying of convoy soldiers in the "stolypin", which had to be persuaded for hours to be taken to the toilet. So I got to Donbass.
From the windows of the barracks of the Torez colony No. 28, mine pits are visible, and on the horizon is the height of the Saur grave, crowned with an obelisk.
2014 arrived. Almost all the imprisoned colonies did not leave the TV, listening to the news. To me, as Odessa, it was terrible to look at the events of May 2. Until now, I'm wondering: why did this happen? Why were not you ready for battle? To fight, not to fight?! Why such pacifist frivolity? My comrade in the case of Odessa Komsomol members Alexander Gerasimov was released in 2013, returned to Odessa, and on May 2 he was burned in the House of Trade Unions. After serving 11 years in prison, in his native Odessa, he became an invalid. That's the fate ... We always remember - the dead in Odessa are calling for retribution ...
In Torese, my friends from freedom contacted me on the phone. They asked for advice and opinions. The creation of the militia was going on, and the first detachments of the "Right Sector" had already settled in the copses and forest plantations, like ghouls. A little later I was instructed to find volunteers among the prisoners in the newly formed units of the future army of the Donetsk People's Republic (DPR). And all this happened under the continuous cannonade of battles for the Saur grave. Before our very eyes, Bandera aviation was wiping this strategic height and its heroic defenders from the face of the earth, bombing checkpoints near Shakhtersk and Khartsyzsk on the road to Donetsk. On the same day in early August, Ukrainian mortar men fired at the colony itself. A woman was killed - an employee of the colony and one prisoner. The whole territory was covered with a crisp layer of broken glass and pieces of bricks.
And a few days later the Supreme Council of the DPR decided to release me from the places of imprisonment as a political prisoner. Accompanied by three militiamen, I went outside the gates of the camp. At great speed, so as not to get under fire, with arms in hand, we raced through the funneled road to Donetsk. Thus I was free.
And now I am proud to wear the "order" in the form of new criminal cases brought against me by the SBU for "terrorism", for cooperation with the "terrorist organization of the DNR", for publications exposing the junta, for promoting guerrilla warfare, for escape, after all.
Interestingly, our idea of creating the Black Sea Republic not only has not lost its relevance, but even vice versa. Now our goal is to build a new Russia. After all, it's not a name. And the methods of construction have not changed since 2000. The war in the Donbass is proof of this. In 2002, many did not believe us, but now they see for themselves: it is impossible to agree with the fascists.
by Andrey Yakovenko
---------------
Commentary on this by the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the AUCPB.
The Central Committee of the AUCPB in its party documents and the Bolshevik press repeatedly covered the question of the attitude towards the armed struggle. Without taking into account the specific political situation, calls for such a struggle will only harm the communist movement, lead to the rout of the party, to the arrest and physical destruction of the most active comrades, as evidenced by the Odessa criminal case itself. For pseudo-ultra-revolutionism and leftism, for calls to conduct in the current situation guerrilla warfare, they were withdrawn from the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the AUCPB and A.A.Mayevsky was expelled from the party. (Chairman of the Bureau of the Central Committee for Ukraine and Moldova) along with and E.A Fatyanova (chief editor of the newspaper Worker-Peasant Hammer and Sickle). The Bolsheviks call for taking into account the emerging political situation and, depending on this, set specific tasks at this stage of the struggle. In our time, when there is no revolutionary situation, the main slogan of the party is "To work for the revolution." The main task today is to work with the masses, for "it is impossible to win with one avant-garde" ... "Revolution can not be made or placed on hold." It is impossible to order a revolution. A revolution grows"..." A revolution is impossible without a national (both exploited, and exploiters) crisis" (V.I. Lenin).
Criminal case number 144. The case of Odessa Komsomol members. I was destined to become the inspirer and organizer of this group. At least that's how the SBU (Special Branch of Ukraine) framed it by stealing the criminal case. I can say that it is a great honor for me. Once again I thank all the group members for their heroism and self-sacrifice. I will only say one thing: we were ahead of our time by our actions, we showed an example, but they were not taken advantage of by fighters against the Ukrainian nationalist state. Historical development still led in 2014 to armed resistance, but only in a state of extreme disorganization, lack of experience and a program of action.
Many now for some reason believe that Ukraine until 2014 was quite an acceptable state in the social sense, a state that maintains neutrality on the international scene and is quite friendly towards Russia in cultural and economic terms. It seems that everything went very well, but angry raguli came from banderstadt, overthrew Yanukovych's darling douche and a war began in which we are all now more or less involved. This is not entirely true.
Ukraine since its birth was an anti-Soviet, anti-Russian and extremely nationalist state. All stories about the peacefulness and non-alignment of Ukraine are a lie. Immediately after gaining "independence" in 1991, Ukraine joined the North Atlantic Cooperation Council. As if afraid of being late, she was the first among the CIS countries in 1994 to join NATO's Partnership for Peace program. As the "peace" of NATO strategists see, we saw already in 1999, when the aircraft of the bloc ruthlessly bombed Yugoslavia. Ukraine has not stood aside either. In the midst of the "Kosovo crisis" in 1999, "peace-loving" Ukraine supported the actions of NATO and even for several hours blocked its airspace for Russian aircraft flying to Pristina. And it was at this time, in April 1999, that a NATO mission was opened in Kiev. Further more, in 2001 - the training center of the "International Center for Peacemaking and Security" was opened in Yavorov. Well, in 2004, after the conflict with Russia around the island of Tuzla, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (Upper House) passed a law on the free access of NATO forces onto the territory of Ukraine.
Against the backdrop of all these events, with the beginning of the joint Sea Breeze exercises, in Ukraine, direct resistance to NATO's creeping expansion to the east began. As a rule, only communist and socialist parties and organizations of Ukraine participated in this struggle. We blocked the roads, preventing NATO soldiers from passing through in Odessa, tried to block the passage of military equipment that landed near Odessa and then moved to the Nikolayev polygon "Shiroky Lan". There were demonstrations and rallies of protest, pickets were held. It's clear that such a fight against militants armed to the teeth is ineffective, but in this way we showed our opposition.
As a result, we got between the hammer and the anvil, on the one hand the hatred of NATO emissaries, on the other - the hatred of the Ukrainian militia and officials. As a state, Russia did not resist this process. Moreover, in 1998 she herself participated in the Sea Breeze exercises, which, incidentally, were directed against Russia itself. Absurd!
And we must remember the completely monstrous social and economic situation in the country in the late 90's ...
It was in these conditions that an armed group of communist-revolutionaries was created. We called ourselves that. Many now say that we did not have an action program. There was!
The main point of our program was the breakdown of all relations with NATO and the creation of a military-political alliance with Russia, right up to the re-creation of the USSR. Although we understood that the state leadership of Russia did not care about all our programs! It did not matter to us. We knew that the truth was behind us and it was in the friendship of peoples. First of all, the Slavic peoples. After all, we were divided by order of the Western oligarchs. And, as we see now, they managed to shoot us in the war.
Our economic program was as follows:
1. The breakdown of all relations with the IMF and the renunciation of debt obligations to this predatory organization.
2. Entering the Eurasian economic structures, friendship and cooperation primarily with Russia and Belarus.
3. Nationalization of all major industry, land, transport, etc.
And most importantly, what we understood then, in the early 2000s: it is impossible to do this by election of the president or parliament deputies. They would not allow this. Saving the country and its people is possible only through the beginning of guerrilla war against the criminal state machine of Ukraine.
In 2002, after the elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, as a participant in the election campaign, I got a map of Ukraine with the results of voting. All at once it became clear. The country is divided exactly in half. The whole south-east of Ukraine voted for the communists, which means for socio-economic changes, for friendship with Russia, against NATO, the United States and the IMF. The rest of Ukraine voted for for nationalists, for NATO, the US and the IMF. It became clear - divorce is inevitable. We will not be able to live in these countries with these people. We are too different. And our group proclaimed the need for the separation of the southeast of Ukraine from the dictates of Kiev and the creation of a Black Sea Soviet Socialist Republic within the territories that we now call Novorossiya. We began distributing leaflets with this idea among military units, publishing articles in newspapers on this topic. And this is very troubling to the SBU. An external surveillance was set up behind me, one of the vigilant soldiers accidentally saw the number plate of my car.
In addition, our group organized strikes, participated in all protests in Ukraine, we committed several expropriations of funds to finance the organization, blew up the entrance to the main building of the Security Service in Kiev, as a retaliation for the brutal crackdown on the protest action "Ukraine without Kuchma" near the National Bank . We began the creation of a militant, armed trade union. We did not have time to see this all through.
In December 2002, arrests of members of the organization began. And then the rebels of the SBU "Alpha" stormed an apartment in Mykolayiv, where my comrades were. There was a fight. My companions kept up the defense for more than 15 minutes, and then they ran out of ammunition. The forces were not equal.
Immediately began the torture. To be fair, I would say that Alfa employees did not mess their hands with bullying the unarmed. But they risked their lives, walking under bullets during the storming of the apartment and getting injured. To the "distinguished" police of the Leninsky district police department of the city of Nikolaev, is where the detainees were taken. They were abused like sweetness. When I say "torture", I do not mean ordinary beatings. I'm talking about needles pinned under the nails, about connecting electricity to the genitals, putting on gas mask, squeezing the hose and, when a person intuitively tries to breathe, a cotton wool with ammonia is brought to the hole. So my friend Igor Danilov received technical pneumonia, which later, in a colony, developed into tuberculosis. When I'm talking about torture, I mean suspending a person on the rack, when handcuffs cut the skin on the hands to the bone, I'm talking about the hunger and cold in which members of our group were kept. In order to stop the torture, Oleg Alekseev tried to commit suicide by hitting a ballpoint pen in his eye. He went blind in one eye, but he survived, the frightened executioners stopped the torture. The youngest in our group - 17-year-old Sergei Berdyugin died in September 2003 from a liver rupture and numerous internal injuries, received in December 2002 in the city of Nikolaev. In the pre-trial detention center of the city of Odessa, he was not given any medical assistance. "The heirs of the Nazi doctor Mengele" just sneered at him.
To survive torture is impossible, so very many guys talked themselves out and named me as the organizer. I do not blame them for that. I have no right. I was not tortured as a leader. There was no need. That's why I did not give any testimony. Already during the trial the guys refused their testimony, which they gave under torture, but this was before the bulb to the Ukrainian "justice". The order came from them ...
The case was loud, under Kuchma's personal control, the investigation was conducted by a group of investigators from all over Ukraine. And you know that it's interesting, only the Crimean investigators of the SBU and from Western Ukraine treated us humanly. Moreover, the latter did not conceal their radical nationalist views and liked to repeat that "we (the nationalists) want to overthrow this power on the right, and you are on the left". Here is such vital irony.
The investigation finished quickly. Already in September 2003, a lawsuit began, which also went quite quickly. It seemed that the authorities were in a hurry.
The "orange revolution" was on the horizon. A change of power in our favour was not in affect, although our relatives met with the top leadership of Ukraine and talked about the torture. The "supreme authority" quickly figuring out who we are, decided to abandon us far away from sin inside the prisons and camps of the archipelago of Ukraine's UIN. In 2005, after a senseless and ruthless Supreme Court, which began to examine our a long epic appeal whilst behind barbed wire. Everyone received huge prisons sentence of between 10 to 14 years. I was given a maximum of 14 as the leader and organizer.
First I found myself in the Sokiryansk correctional colony No. 67 in the Chernivtsi region, in the maximum security chamber. This is the most strict regime of detention in Ukraine. Worse than the regime of life imprisonment. But by the summer of 2006, the administration of the Sokiryansk colony realized that such an inhabitant, as I was not needed by them. Very often I had to write complaints and appeals to the prosecutor's office and the ombudsman about the brutal treatment of the jailers to prisoners and inhuman conditions of detention in the colony. What can I say, in the winter of 2005-2006 there was no heating in the colony at all. And not only in the premises for the convicts! In the room for long visits, there were also subzero temperatures. My mother came to see me, and in this room I had to sleep dressed. After this visit, she fell ill with a severe form of bronchitis. Coughing and struggling with the temperature, she described in detail these "delights" in a letter addressed to the Prosecutor General. I wrote for my part in Strasbourg, a complaint to the ECHR. In short, in the summer of 2006, I was quickly replaced by a more mild regime and, in the very heat (knowing about my sick heart), was sent to the other end of Ukraine. To the Donbass. Curiously, my relatives wrote a statement to the Department of the IN with a request to transfer me to sit out the time closer to home. There is such a rule of law. The higher jailers from Kiev answered - of course, it will be so, all according to the law! And sent even further from his native Odessa. No one then could have imagined that a war would break out. Although we knew it back in 2000, Ukraine was pregnant with civil war.
Everything ends and ended 1.5 months of a terrible stage across the whole of Ukraine. In the scorching "funnels" and "Stolypin" wagons, in stuffy transit chambers, swarming with bedbugs and rats, with screams of jailers and bullying of convoy soldiers in the "stolypin", which had to be persuaded for hours to be taken to the toilet. So I got to Donbass.
From the windows of the barracks of the Torez colony No. 28, mine pits are visible, and on the horizon is the height of the Saur grave, crowned with an obelisk.
2014 arrived. Almost all the imprisoned colonies did not leave the TV, listening to the news. To me, as Odessa, it was terrible to look at the events of May 2. Until now, I'm wondering: why did this happen? Why were not you ready for battle? To fight, not to fight?! Why such pacifist frivolity? My comrade in the case of Odessa Komsomol members Alexander Gerasimov was released in 2013, returned to Odessa, and on May 2 he was burned in the House of Trade Unions. After serving 11 years in prison, in his native Odessa, he became an invalid. That's the fate ... We always remember - the dead in Odessa are calling for retribution ...
In Torese, my friends from freedom contacted me on the phone. They asked for advice and opinions. The creation of the militia was going on, and the first detachments of the "Right Sector" had already settled in the copses and forest plantations, like ghouls. A little later I was instructed to find volunteers among the prisoners in the newly formed units of the future army of the Donetsk People's Republic (DPR). And all this happened under the continuous cannonade of battles for the Saur grave. Before our very eyes, Bandera aviation was wiping this strategic height and its heroic defenders from the face of the earth, bombing checkpoints near Shakhtersk and Khartsyzsk on the road to Donetsk. On the same day in early August, Ukrainian mortar men fired at the colony itself. A woman was killed - an employee of the colony and one prisoner. The whole territory was covered with a crisp layer of broken glass and pieces of bricks.
And a few days later the Supreme Council of the DPR decided to release me from the places of imprisonment as a political prisoner. Accompanied by three militiamen, I went outside the gates of the camp. At great speed, so as not to get under fire, with arms in hand, we raced through the funneled road to Donetsk. Thus I was free.
And now I am proud to wear the "order" in the form of new criminal cases brought against me by the SBU for "terrorism", for cooperation with the "terrorist organization of the DNR", for publications exposing the junta, for promoting guerrilla warfare, for escape, after all.
Interestingly, our idea of creating the Black Sea Republic not only has not lost its relevance, but even vice versa. Now our goal is to build a new Russia. After all, it's not a name. And the methods of construction have not changed since 2000. The war in the Donbass is proof of this. In 2002, many did not believe us, but now they see for themselves: it is impossible to agree with the fascists.
by Andrey Yakovenko
---------------
Commentary on this by the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the AUCPB.
The Central Committee of the AUCPB in its party documents and the Bolshevik press repeatedly covered the question of the attitude towards the armed struggle. Without taking into account the specific political situation, calls for such a struggle will only harm the communist movement, lead to the rout of the party, to the arrest and physical destruction of the most active comrades, as evidenced by the Odessa criminal case itself. For pseudo-ultra-revolutionism and leftism, for calls to conduct in the current situation guerrilla warfare, they were withdrawn from the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the AUCPB and A.A.Mayevsky was expelled from the party. (Chairman of the Bureau of the Central Committee for Ukraine and Moldova) along with and E.A Fatyanova (chief editor of the newspaper Worker-Peasant Hammer and Sickle). The Bolsheviks call for taking into account the emerging political situation and, depending on this, set specific tasks at this stage of the struggle. In our time, when there is no revolutionary situation, the main slogan of the party is "To work for the revolution." The main task today is to work with the masses, for "it is impossible to win with one avant-garde" ... "Revolution can not be made or placed on hold." It is impossible to order a revolution. A revolution grows"..." A revolution is impossible without a national (both exploited, and exploiters) crisis" (V.I. Lenin).
In Novosibirsk, a rally against the predatory pension reform took place
On June 28 in Novosibirsk in Pervomaisky Square a second rally took place against the increase in retirement age, as well as the demand to reduce gasoline prices and against the growth of VAT. The organizers were the Committee "Pensioners for a decent life!", The All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB), RKKP, "New Reds", Novosibirsk branch of the People's Democratic Party, Left Front and a number of other socio-political organizations. At the rally, more than 2,500 participants gathered.
The organizers of the rally decided to hold protests against the pension reform every two weeks and already filed a notice to the mayor's office about holding the next rally at the State Public Scientific Technical Library on July 12 at 18.30.
The organizers of the rally decided to hold protests against the pension reform every two weeks and already filed a notice to the mayor's office about holding the next rally at the State Public Scientific Technical Library on July 12 at 18.30.
No to raising the retirement age!
On July 1, Kuibyshev (Samara) Bolsheviks took an active part in the event held in the city of Novokuybyshevsk - against raising the retirement age, rising prices and VAT.
From the very beginning it was clear that the event was being prepared in an unorganized manner. It was unclear how much and where exactly it will pass, what format is expected (meeting or meeting with the deputy). As a result, shortly before the appointed date it became known that instead of one event two will be held. The reason is that in other cities of the Russian Federation no such actions were carried out (under different far-fetched pretexts). In addition, this disorganization can be explained by a split in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF). One official, authorized event from the KPRF in the Palace of Culture "Rus" and another unauthorized, organized by the excluded members of the KPRF and their allies in Mendeleyev Square. We decided to participate in both events.
First of all, we came to the square. There were no participants or organizers visible on it, so we decided to conduct reconnaissance. After passing over the square and standing in the shade, we began to wait for the beginning of the event. After 15 minutes, the movement began - people from the edge of the square began to gather spontaneously. The rally was unofficial, but we were not dispersed by police. It turned out that Matveev was at the rally, who had a deputy mandate, so everything turned out ok, with no arrests. People held posters in their hands: "Against raising the retirement age." Also there was an active collection of signatures against raising the retirement age, which we also signed.
The meeting was opened by the speech of Damir Stalin (this is a real surname on the passport), a former member of the KPRF, who was unjustly expelled for criticizing the top echelons of the Party in our region, rightly accusing it of opportunism and Menshevism.
The speech was inflammatory. Damir said that only a socialist revolution can free us from the shackles of capital! Only workers and peasants have the right to decide their own destiny! Therefore you need to actively come out against raising the retirement age, because only an active position will give results! His speech was greeted by the stormy ovation of ordinary people!
After this speech, the microphone was taken by the representative of the KPRF. He said that everyone should go to the recreation center "Rus", because staying on the square would lead to us being arrested and fined. Despite the fact that there was MP Matveev, despite the fact that people protested in a rally on the street, where many passers-by could see us, the KPRF "persuaded" them to go to the Palace of Culture and thus they poured out of the rally. Before it started, it immediately ended. We went after everyone into the recreation center "Rus".
In the Palace of Culture "Rus" there was already a meeting of the KPRF underway, at which the first secretary of the Samara KPRF, deputy chairman of the Samara Provincial Duma Alexei Leskin spoke . He spoke a lot, and even some things were right. But after the word, this drew out Damir Stalin and he spoke all about the KPRF and its position. And he noted that it was the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and personally Leskin that prevented the campaign from unfolding in full force, that protests against the reform should be held not on July 28, the day of the adoption of the law, as Leskin suggested, but earlier and more often! That the deputy chairman of the Samara Provincial Duma must personally travel to each branch, each village of the region and city, to inform everyone that it is necessary to oppose reform and raising taxes and prices. Damir said that such as Leskin are the same accomplices of these reforms, which quietly fuse the popular protest. His speech, again, as on the street, was greeted with stormy applause. Applauded are not people close to Damir, not an assistant for money, but ordinary people who react soberly to fair statements. Leskin was booed. We joined the people's voice in indignation.
Then deputies began to speak from the United Russia Party. True, they did not pretend that they were deputies and that they were from United Russia. This was clarified during the play, when the latter "tried" to explain the rationality of raising the retirement age. Such a rumble and indignation of the people was not long coming. It took only "United Russia" to open their mouths, and people shut them up and took away the microphone. This happened twice. One deputy - a woman, evidently insolent, went to the rostrum and decided to protect the president of the country, whom Damir Stalin was not talking about in a good light, but he answered everything in a harsh, clear and true way. She said: "How can you say sych things about our dear and respected ...", but then the people booed her ... She just left, cutting off half-way.
The Bolsheviks took an active part in these events. In the Palace of Culture they held posters against raising the retirement age. They shouted slogans: "Down with the power of capital!", "Down with the opportunists!", etc., and also distributed leaflets.
Comrades, only together with a united front of real communists can we stop this disgrace! Give power to the working people! No - to capitalism! No to raising the retirement age! Yes to an increase pensions!
From the very beginning it was clear that the event was being prepared in an unorganized manner. It was unclear how much and where exactly it will pass, what format is expected (meeting or meeting with the deputy). As a result, shortly before the appointed date it became known that instead of one event two will be held. The reason is that in other cities of the Russian Federation no such actions were carried out (under different far-fetched pretexts). In addition, this disorganization can be explained by a split in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF). One official, authorized event from the KPRF in the Palace of Culture "Rus" and another unauthorized, organized by the excluded members of the KPRF and their allies in Mendeleyev Square. We decided to participate in both events.
First of all, we came to the square. There were no participants or organizers visible on it, so we decided to conduct reconnaissance. After passing over the square and standing in the shade, we began to wait for the beginning of the event. After 15 minutes, the movement began - people from the edge of the square began to gather spontaneously. The rally was unofficial, but we were not dispersed by police. It turned out that Matveev was at the rally, who had a deputy mandate, so everything turned out ok, with no arrests. People held posters in their hands: "Against raising the retirement age." Also there was an active collection of signatures against raising the retirement age, which we also signed.
The meeting was opened by the speech of Damir Stalin (this is a real surname on the passport), a former member of the KPRF, who was unjustly expelled for criticizing the top echelons of the Party in our region, rightly accusing it of opportunism and Menshevism.
The speech was inflammatory. Damir said that only a socialist revolution can free us from the shackles of capital! Only workers and peasants have the right to decide their own destiny! Therefore you need to actively come out against raising the retirement age, because only an active position will give results! His speech was greeted by the stormy ovation of ordinary people!
After this speech, the microphone was taken by the representative of the KPRF. He said that everyone should go to the recreation center "Rus", because staying on the square would lead to us being arrested and fined. Despite the fact that there was MP Matveev, despite the fact that people protested in a rally on the street, where many passers-by could see us, the KPRF "persuaded" them to go to the Palace of Culture and thus they poured out of the rally. Before it started, it immediately ended. We went after everyone into the recreation center "Rus".
In the Palace of Culture "Rus" there was already a meeting of the KPRF underway, at which the first secretary of the Samara KPRF, deputy chairman of the Samara Provincial Duma Alexei Leskin spoke . He spoke a lot, and even some things were right. But after the word, this drew out Damir Stalin and he spoke all about the KPRF and its position. And he noted that it was the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and personally Leskin that prevented the campaign from unfolding in full force, that protests against the reform should be held not on July 28, the day of the adoption of the law, as Leskin suggested, but earlier and more often! That the deputy chairman of the Samara Provincial Duma must personally travel to each branch, each village of the region and city, to inform everyone that it is necessary to oppose reform and raising taxes and prices. Damir said that such as Leskin are the same accomplices of these reforms, which quietly fuse the popular protest. His speech, again, as on the street, was greeted with stormy applause. Applauded are not people close to Damir, not an assistant for money, but ordinary people who react soberly to fair statements. Leskin was booed. We joined the people's voice in indignation.
Then deputies began to speak from the United Russia Party. True, they did not pretend that they were deputies and that they were from United Russia. This was clarified during the play, when the latter "tried" to explain the rationality of raising the retirement age. Such a rumble and indignation of the people was not long coming. It took only "United Russia" to open their mouths, and people shut them up and took away the microphone. This happened twice. One deputy - a woman, evidently insolent, went to the rostrum and decided to protect the president of the country, whom Damir Stalin was not talking about in a good light, but he answered everything in a harsh, clear and true way. She said: "How can you say sych things about our dear and respected ...", but then the people booed her ... She just left, cutting off half-way.
The Bolsheviks took an active part in these events. In the Palace of Culture they held posters against raising the retirement age. They shouted slogans: "Down with the power of capital!", "Down with the opportunists!", etc., and also distributed leaflets.
Comrades, only together with a united front of real communists can we stop this disgrace! Give power to the working people! No - to capitalism! No to raising the retirement age! Yes to an increase pensions!
Wednesday, July 11, 2018
On July 8, the DPRK commemorates the day of the memory of the Great Leader, Comrade Kim Il Sung
The great leader Comrade Kim Il Sung will forever remain in the grateful memory of the Korean people as
- a great revolutionary, who raised the Korean people to fight against the Japanese colonialists and won the Japanese conquerors in this semi-century confrontation of the Korean people;
- as the creator of the DPRK - the first socialist state in the northeast Asia;
- as the founder of the Workers' Party of Korea - the leading and guiding force of society, successfully building socialism in the name of the Human Worker;
- as a great commander who did not allow one of the two super powers of the world in the twentieth century - the evil empire of the imperialist United States, along with their co-comrades in international robbery, to bring the Koreans to their knees and surrender to the mercy of the United States in the Patriotic liberation war against the United States. The US then opposed the DPRK together with their satellites, represented by the Air Force of a number of imperialist states, as part of the UN multinational force.
The heroic history of education and life of the DPRK is a constant tough confrontation of the United States, this is life in the face of suffocating international economic sanctions, constantly organized by the US, these are provocative provocations on the border of the DPRK with South Korea by the ruling puppets in the Republic of Korea, the US is a constant militant threatening military joint "excercises" of the armed forces of the RK and the US near the borders of the DPRK.
The courageous and industrious people of the DPRK stood up against all the vicissitudes of fate, emerged victorious from the most difficult situations, made the DPRK a world nuclear power, thereby compelled the United States to reckon with the presence of the DPRK on the world map.
July 8, 1994 The great leader passed away. At the suggestion of the Korean people, the Kumsusan Palace, where Kim Il Sung previously worked, after the death of the Great Leader in 1994, was turned into a huge memory pantheon. The Kumsusan palace was called the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun, as the Great Leader of Comrade Kim Il Sung, during the life of the people of the DPRK, was called the Sun. After the death of Kim Jong Il in 2011, his body was also placed in the Kumsusan Palace.
The life of Comrade Kim Il Sung, given to the struggle for freedom and independence of the Korean people, for his prosperity is a vivid example for imitation, an example for educating the young Korean generation in the spirit of selfless love to their homeland, to their Fatherland, an example of the heroic struggle for the independence of their homeland, an example of patriotic labor for the benefit of its people. Monuments to the Great Leader, Comrade Kim Il Sung and Great Kim Jong Il are a place of constant visit by Koreans, youth and KPA servicemen, foreign delegations. Therefore, at the foot of the monuments there are always living flowers.
Central Committee of the AUCPB
No to neo-fascism! No to 3rd World War!
APPEAL
by the Organizing Committee of the anti-imperialist anti-fascist front of the working people of Belarus
"No to neo-fascism! No to 3rd World War!"
On June 22, 1941, Hitler's Germany, treacherously violating the treaty of non-aggression, without declaring war, attacked the Soviet Union. The bloodiest war of all the wars in the history of mankind began - the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet people, including the Belarusian one, against the fascist invaders, the war between European fascism, its strike force - fascist Germany, on the one hand, and socialism, the USSR on the other . On the side of Germany, Bulgaria, Hungary, Spain, Italy, Romania and other fascist and pro-fascist states supported the so-called Anti-Comintern Pact.
After the attack on the USSR, the Second World War finally and completely took on by the opponents of the Hitler block an anti-fascist, liberation character.
The Soviet Union, under the leadership of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), headed by J.V. Stalin - a great ally and continuer of the case V.I. Lenin, not only survived, but also defeated Hitler's fascism and saved the peoples of Europe and the whole world from fascist slavery.
However, the defeat of Hitler's fascism in 1945 did not save mankind from fascist danger. The ideology and practice of fascism again comes to the political arena, it is now called neo-fascism.
The scientific definition of fascism was given at the 7th Congress of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1935 by the eminent figure of the Bulgarian and international communist movement Georgi Dimitrov: "Fascism in power is an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, most imperialistic elements of financial capital."
Fascism is the product of the bourgeois system, world imperialism, which inevitably accompanies crises. This was the case in 1933, when the so-called National Socialist (Nazi) party led by Hitler came to power in Germany, unleashed a second world war and destroyed tens of millions of people. This is also the case today, in spite of the destruction of the Soviet Union by the internal and external enemies of the Soviet people and socialism in Eastern Europe, the general crisis of imperialism is again developing, the way out of which it seeks in World War III, which is already going on in its original local stage. Accordingly, the danger of a fascist threat is increasing both in Europe and throughout the world.
Despite the defeat of the main forces of ISIS in Syria and Iraq, the threat of Islamic fundamentalism remains, the flow of refugees to Europe continues unabated, where fascist forces are again activated, ultra-right nationalism raises its head, symbolism of the victorious country is banned. In Poland, acts of vandalism against monuments to Soviet liberators are committed with the participation of state bodies, Hitler's "Mein Kampf" is being published in Germany, revanchist forces are being activated, the fascists are openly marching in the Baltics, and fascist are everywhere attacking the victorious J.V. Stalin. In Ukraine, with the support of Western countries, a coup d'état was carried out and the neo-Bandera government was brought to power. Here pro-Hitler's Bandera fascism was reanimated, whose hands were stained with the blood of many Soviet people, including on the territory of Belarus. The terrorist action of the pro-Western Ukrainian government against the people of the Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics, who do not want to live under the control of the ultra-nationalist pro-fascist junta of Kiev, is not stopping. The aggressive NATO bloc will not be dissolved. On the contrary, the policy of "NATO's advance to the East" continues. Russia is increasingly surrounded by NATO military bases, primarily the United States.
In Belarus, where every third citizen of the republic perished in the last war, the pro-Western nationalist opposition is also becoming more active. Having trampled such a notion as conscience, it again flaunts under the sign of "Chase" and white-red-white flag, stained with the bloody cooperation of Belarusian collaborators with the Nazi occupiers. This opposition, supported by a part of the bureaucracy of the bureaucracy, again seeks installation of the monument to the "victims of Stalinist repression" in Kurapaty, where in 1941-1942 the Nazis and their local minions shot Soviet POWs, citizens of Jewish nationality from the Soviet Union and many European countries.
Unleashed by the neo-fascists, a full-scale World War III, which, if it grows into a nuclear one, can lead to the death of the entire human civilization, is a real danger. The general crisis of imperialism leads to the extreme limits of the contradiction between labour and capital, exacerbates the intra-imperialist struggle for markets, sources of raw materials and communications, and the seizure of foreign territories.
Especially dangerous at the present time is US imperialism, the financial-monopoly oligarchy of which is striving to establish complete world domination. Modern American imperialism has opposed itself almost to the whole world, acts brazenly, correcting all norms of international relations. Trump's policy of "reclaiming America's greatness" has led to an aggravation of economic relations even between the United States and Europe, which are NATO allies. Thus, modern US policy is the policy of international terrorism and state fascism. This we already observed on the eve of the Second World War.
As long as imperialism exists, the danger of wars remains. The impending global catastrophe can only be stopped by the united efforts of the working people of all countries, peace-loving nations and states.
In order to combat the military danger, to prevent the spread of the misanthropic fascist ideology, to counteract the coming of reaction to the democratic rights of the working people, the picketers appeal to all progressive people to show solidarity and stand united against the forces of militarism, war and fascism. We call on everyone who cares about the destiny of mankind, the fate of our children, the fate of our native Belarus to join the ranks of the founders of the anti-imperialist anti-fascist front of the working people of Belarus.
We support the international action of the United International Anti-imperialist Anti-Fascist Front on June 22 as the World Day Against Imperialism, War and Fascism.
Our modern slogans should be: "We demand to disband the aggressive bloc of NATO!", "No to the 3rd World War!"
Our cause is right! Together we win!
Adopted on June 22, 2018
at the IKK "Stalin's Line"
by the Organizing Committee of the anti-imperialist anti-fascist front of the working people of Belarus
"No to neo-fascism! No to 3rd World War!"
On June 22, 1941, Hitler's Germany, treacherously violating the treaty of non-aggression, without declaring war, attacked the Soviet Union. The bloodiest war of all the wars in the history of mankind began - the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet people, including the Belarusian one, against the fascist invaders, the war between European fascism, its strike force - fascist Germany, on the one hand, and socialism, the USSR on the other . On the side of Germany, Bulgaria, Hungary, Spain, Italy, Romania and other fascist and pro-fascist states supported the so-called Anti-Comintern Pact.
After the attack on the USSR, the Second World War finally and completely took on by the opponents of the Hitler block an anti-fascist, liberation character.
The Soviet Union, under the leadership of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), headed by J.V. Stalin - a great ally and continuer of the case V.I. Lenin, not only survived, but also defeated Hitler's fascism and saved the peoples of Europe and the whole world from fascist slavery.
However, the defeat of Hitler's fascism in 1945 did not save mankind from fascist danger. The ideology and practice of fascism again comes to the political arena, it is now called neo-fascism.
The scientific definition of fascism was given at the 7th Congress of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1935 by the eminent figure of the Bulgarian and international communist movement Georgi Dimitrov: "Fascism in power is an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, most imperialistic elements of financial capital."
Fascism is the product of the bourgeois system, world imperialism, which inevitably accompanies crises. This was the case in 1933, when the so-called National Socialist (Nazi) party led by Hitler came to power in Germany, unleashed a second world war and destroyed tens of millions of people. This is also the case today, in spite of the destruction of the Soviet Union by the internal and external enemies of the Soviet people and socialism in Eastern Europe, the general crisis of imperialism is again developing, the way out of which it seeks in World War III, which is already going on in its original local stage. Accordingly, the danger of a fascist threat is increasing both in Europe and throughout the world.
Despite the defeat of the main forces of ISIS in Syria and Iraq, the threat of Islamic fundamentalism remains, the flow of refugees to Europe continues unabated, where fascist forces are again activated, ultra-right nationalism raises its head, symbolism of the victorious country is banned. In Poland, acts of vandalism against monuments to Soviet liberators are committed with the participation of state bodies, Hitler's "Mein Kampf" is being published in Germany, revanchist forces are being activated, the fascists are openly marching in the Baltics, and fascist are everywhere attacking the victorious J.V. Stalin. In Ukraine, with the support of Western countries, a coup d'état was carried out and the neo-Bandera government was brought to power. Here pro-Hitler's Bandera fascism was reanimated, whose hands were stained with the blood of many Soviet people, including on the territory of Belarus. The terrorist action of the pro-Western Ukrainian government against the people of the Donetsk and Lugansk People's Republics, who do not want to live under the control of the ultra-nationalist pro-fascist junta of Kiev, is not stopping. The aggressive NATO bloc will not be dissolved. On the contrary, the policy of "NATO's advance to the East" continues. Russia is increasingly surrounded by NATO military bases, primarily the United States.
In Belarus, where every third citizen of the republic perished in the last war, the pro-Western nationalist opposition is also becoming more active. Having trampled such a notion as conscience, it again flaunts under the sign of "Chase" and white-red-white flag, stained with the bloody cooperation of Belarusian collaborators with the Nazi occupiers. This opposition, supported by a part of the bureaucracy of the bureaucracy, again seeks installation of the monument to the "victims of Stalinist repression" in Kurapaty, where in 1941-1942 the Nazis and their local minions shot Soviet POWs, citizens of Jewish nationality from the Soviet Union and many European countries.
Unleashed by the neo-fascists, a full-scale World War III, which, if it grows into a nuclear one, can lead to the death of the entire human civilization, is a real danger. The general crisis of imperialism leads to the extreme limits of the contradiction between labour and capital, exacerbates the intra-imperialist struggle for markets, sources of raw materials and communications, and the seizure of foreign territories.
Especially dangerous at the present time is US imperialism, the financial-monopoly oligarchy of which is striving to establish complete world domination. Modern American imperialism has opposed itself almost to the whole world, acts brazenly, correcting all norms of international relations. Trump's policy of "reclaiming America's greatness" has led to an aggravation of economic relations even between the United States and Europe, which are NATO allies. Thus, modern US policy is the policy of international terrorism and state fascism. This we already observed on the eve of the Second World War.
As long as imperialism exists, the danger of wars remains. The impending global catastrophe can only be stopped by the united efforts of the working people of all countries, peace-loving nations and states.
In order to combat the military danger, to prevent the spread of the misanthropic fascist ideology, to counteract the coming of reaction to the democratic rights of the working people, the picketers appeal to all progressive people to show solidarity and stand united against the forces of militarism, war and fascism. We call on everyone who cares about the destiny of mankind, the fate of our children, the fate of our native Belarus to join the ranks of the founders of the anti-imperialist anti-fascist front of the working people of Belarus.
We support the international action of the United International Anti-imperialist Anti-Fascist Front on June 22 as the World Day Against Imperialism, War and Fascism.
Our modern slogans should be: "We demand to disband the aggressive bloc of NATO!", "No to the 3rd World War!"
Our cause is right! Together we win!
Adopted on June 22, 2018
at the IKK "Stalin's Line"
Belarusian Bolsheviks held a rally on the International Day Against Imperialism, War and Fascism
In the hands of the participants of the action were portraits of relatives - participants of the Great Patriotic War, war heroes, commanders of the Red Army and partisan formations. The participants of the action focused attention on the real danger of neo-fascism, the threat of a Third World War, in the interests of the world financial oligarchy, the shock detachment of imperialism, striving for undivided world domination. They kept flags of the USSR and the BSSR, banners and posters with slogans:
- "Fascism will not pass!";
- "To eliminate the inevitability of wars, it is necessary to destroy imperialism" (J.V. Stalin);
- "Fascism in power is an open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic, most imperialistic elements of financial capital" (Georgi Dimitrov);
"Motherland is calling!" We will repulse imperialism, nationalism, fascism, militarism! "
"Peoples and states, unite against American imperialism!";
"The goal of Sino-American imperialism is world domination";
- "Kiev junta - to court!"
"Nationalism and fascism are war. We will not allow the "fifth column" of the West to unleash a war on the Belarusian land ";
- "No to NATO advance into the East!";
- "No to a 3rd World War!"
Wednesday, July 4, 2018
Foreigners arriving at the World Cup 2018 visit the Lenin Mausoleum!
One of the main attractions for fans at the World Cup 2018 is Lenin's Mausoleumin in Moscow. The editor-in-chief of the Maxim Gorky film studio, Andrei Apostolov, published a photo of a huge line of visitors to the Mausoleum, which stretched along Red Square on the days of the 2018 World Cup.
The fact that thousands of fans want to visit the Mausoleum, Apostolov writes on Facebook:
"While the "morning paints a gentle light onto the walls of the ancient Kremlin", several thousand foreign football fans lined up in a winding queue to visit the recumbent Ilyich ... Such a pilgrimage Red Square probably has not seen for half a century ... (A frame from the window of the Historical Museum does not at all convey the real dimensions of the disaster, by the people of darkness). According to the staff of the museum, this is the way it has been every day ... "- he wrote.
June 22 in Rostov region
With the laying of flowers at military monuments, the AUCPB comrades in the Rostov region celebrated the anniversary of the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, paying tribute to the memory of the soldiers of the Red Army and the Soviet citizens who fought and died in that war.
Laying flowers at the "Obelisk to the heroes of Pyatigorsk"
The obelisk was installed by veterans of the Great Patriotic War on January 11, 1968 in honour of the 25th anniversary of the liberation of Pyatigorsk by the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army from the troops of fascist Germany. The obelisk was restored and re-inaugurated by the Pyatigorsk city committee of the AUCPB on February 23, 2018.
Full-fledged picketing at the "Obelisk to the heroes of Pyatigorsk" failed, since the picketing was not agreed to by the administration.
Flowers were placed at the foot of the "Obelisk to the heroes of Pyatigorsk" with unfolded red banners and the standard of the AUCPB. The newspapers "Bolshevik Sickle and Hammer" and "Revolution" were distributed. A solemn open meeting by the town organization of the AUCPB was held, dedicated to this date.
Glory to the 73rd anniversary of the Victory Day parade in Moscow!
Glory to the Generalissimo of the USSR, comrade J.V. Stalin - the leader and organizer of the Victory over fascist Germany!
Glory to the Soviet people - the Victor!
North-Caucasian Bureau of the Central Committee of the AUCPB.
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