In 2002, the following criminal case rattled throughout Ukraine. Whether or not a joke, a group of young people dared to challenge the entire Ukrainian state machine. And to challenge not just in words - not only in the form of newspaper and Internet publications, demonstrations, rallies and pickets - but by and taking up arms.
Criminal case number 144. The case of Odessa Komsomol members. I was destined to become the inspirer and organizer of this group. At least that's how the SBU (Special Branch of Ukraine) framed it by stealing the criminal case. I can say that it is a great honor for me. Once again I thank all the group members for their heroism and self-sacrifice. I will only say one thing: we were ahead of our time by our actions, we showed an example, but they were not taken advantage of by fighters against the Ukrainian nationalist state. Historical development still led in 2014 to armed resistance, but only in a state of extreme disorganization, lack of experience and a program of action.
Many now for some reason believe that Ukraine until 2014 was quite an acceptable state in the social sense, a state that maintains neutrality on the international scene and is quite friendly towards Russia in cultural and economic terms. It seems that everything went very well, but angry raguli came from banderstadt, overthrew Yanukovych's darling douche and a war began in which we are all now more or less involved. This is not entirely true.
Ukraine since its birth was an anti-Soviet, anti-Russian and extremely nationalist state. All stories about the peacefulness and non-alignment of Ukraine are a lie. Immediately after gaining "independence" in 1991, Ukraine joined the North Atlantic Cooperation Council. As if afraid of being late, she was the first among the CIS countries in 1994 to join NATO's Partnership for Peace program. As the "peace" of NATO strategists see, we saw already in 1999, when the aircraft of the bloc ruthlessly bombed Yugoslavia. Ukraine has not stood aside either. In the midst of the "Kosovo crisis" in 1999, "peace-loving" Ukraine supported the actions of NATO and even for several hours blocked its airspace for Russian aircraft flying to Pristina. And it was at this time, in April 1999, that a NATO mission was opened in Kiev. Further more, in 2001 - the training center of the "International Center for Peacemaking and Security" was opened in Yavorov. Well, in 2004, after the conflict with Russia around the island of Tuzla, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (Upper House) passed a law on the free access of NATO forces onto the territory of Ukraine.
Against the backdrop of all these events, with the beginning of the joint Sea Breeze exercises, in Ukraine, direct resistance to NATO's creeping expansion to the east began. As a rule, only communist and socialist parties and organizations of Ukraine participated in this struggle. We blocked the roads, preventing NATO soldiers from passing through in Odessa, tried to block the passage of military equipment that landed near Odessa and then moved to the Nikolayev polygon "Shiroky Lan". There were demonstrations and rallies of protest, pickets were held. It's clear that such a fight against militants armed to the teeth is ineffective, but in this way we showed our opposition.
As a result, we got between the hammer and the anvil, on the one hand the hatred of NATO emissaries, on the other - the hatred of the Ukrainian militia and officials. As a state, Russia did not resist this process. Moreover, in 1998 she herself participated in the Sea Breeze exercises, which, incidentally, were directed against Russia itself. Absurd!
And we must remember the completely monstrous social and economic situation in the country in the late 90's ...
It was in these conditions that an armed group of communist-revolutionaries was created. We called ourselves that. Many now say that we did not have an action program. There was!
The main point of our program was the breakdown of all relations with NATO and the creation of a military-political alliance with Russia, right up to the re-creation of the USSR. Although we understood that the state leadership of Russia did not care about all our programs! It did not matter to us. We knew that the truth was behind us and it was in the friendship of peoples. First of all, the Slavic peoples. After all, we were divided by order of the Western oligarchs. And, as we see now, they managed to shoot us in the war.
Our economic program was as follows:
1. The breakdown of all relations with the IMF and the renunciation of debt obligations to this predatory organization.
2. Entering the Eurasian economic structures, friendship and cooperation primarily with Russia and Belarus.
3. Nationalization of all major industry, land, transport, etc.
And most importantly, what we understood then, in the early 2000s: it is impossible to do this by election of the president or parliament deputies. They would not allow this. Saving the country and its people is possible only through the beginning of guerrilla war against the criminal state machine of Ukraine.
In 2002, after the elections to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, as a participant in the election campaign, I got a map of Ukraine with the results of voting. All at once it became clear. The country is divided exactly in half. The whole south-east of Ukraine voted for the communists, which means for socio-economic changes, for friendship with Russia, against NATO, the United States and the IMF. The rest of Ukraine voted for for nationalists, for NATO, the US and the IMF. It became clear - divorce is inevitable. We will not be able to live in these countries with these people. We are too different. And our group proclaimed the need for the separation of the southeast of Ukraine from the dictates of Kiev and the creation of a Black Sea Soviet Socialist Republic within the territories that we now call Novorossiya. We began distributing leaflets with this idea among military units, publishing articles in newspapers on this topic. And this is very troubling to the SBU. An external surveillance was set up behind me, one of the vigilant soldiers accidentally saw the number plate of my car.
In addition, our group organized strikes, participated in all protests in Ukraine, we committed several expropriations of funds to finance the organization, blew up the entrance to the main building of the Security Service in Kiev, as a retaliation for the brutal crackdown on the protest action "Ukraine without Kuchma" near the National Bank . We began the creation of a militant, armed trade union. We did not have time to see this all through.
In December 2002, arrests of members of the organization began. And then the rebels of the SBU "Alpha" stormed an apartment in Mykolayiv, where my comrades were. There was a fight. My companions kept up the defense for more than 15 minutes, and then they ran out of ammunition. The forces were not equal.
Immediately began the torture. To be fair, I would say that Alfa employees did not mess their hands with bullying the unarmed. But they risked their lives, walking under bullets during the storming of the apartment and getting injured. To the "distinguished" police of the Leninsky district police department of the city of Nikolaev, is where the detainees were taken. They were abused like sweetness. When I say "torture", I do not mean ordinary beatings. I'm talking about needles pinned under the nails, about connecting electricity to the genitals, putting on gas mask, squeezing the hose and, when a person intuitively tries to breathe, a cotton wool with ammonia is brought to the hole. So my friend Igor Danilov received technical pneumonia, which later, in a colony, developed into tuberculosis. When I'm talking about torture, I mean suspending a person on the rack, when handcuffs cut the skin on the hands to the bone, I'm talking about the hunger and cold in which members of our group were kept. In order to stop the torture, Oleg Alekseev tried to commit suicide by hitting a ballpoint pen in his eye. He went blind in one eye, but he survived, the frightened executioners stopped the torture. The youngest in our group - 17-year-old Sergei Berdyugin died in September 2003 from a liver rupture and numerous internal injuries, received in December 2002 in the city of Nikolaev. In the pre-trial detention center of the city of Odessa, he was not given any medical assistance. "The heirs of the Nazi doctor Mengele" just sneered at him.
To survive torture is impossible, so very many guys talked themselves out and named me as the organizer. I do not blame them for that. I have no right. I was not tortured as a leader. There was no need. That's why I did not give any testimony. Already during the trial the guys refused their testimony, which they gave under torture, but this was before the bulb to the Ukrainian "justice". The order came from them ...
The case was loud, under Kuchma's personal control, the investigation was conducted by a group of investigators from all over Ukraine. And you know that it's interesting, only the Crimean investigators of the SBU and from Western Ukraine treated us humanly. Moreover, the latter did not conceal their radical nationalist views and liked to repeat that "we (the nationalists) want to overthrow this power on the right, and you are on the left". Here is such vital irony.
The investigation finished quickly. Already in September 2003, a lawsuit began, which also went quite quickly. It seemed that the authorities were in a hurry.
The "orange revolution" was on the horizon. A change of power in our favour was not in affect, although our relatives met with the top leadership of Ukraine and talked about the torture. The "supreme authority" quickly figuring out who we are, decided to abandon us far away from sin inside the prisons and camps of the archipelago of Ukraine's UIN. In 2005, after a senseless and ruthless Supreme Court, which began to examine our a long epic appeal whilst behind barbed wire. Everyone received huge prisons sentence of between 10 to 14 years. I was given a maximum of 14 as the leader and organizer.
First I found myself in the Sokiryansk correctional colony No. 67 in the Chernivtsi region, in the maximum security chamber. This is the most strict regime of detention in Ukraine. Worse than the regime of life imprisonment. But by the summer of 2006, the administration of the Sokiryansk colony realized that such an inhabitant, as I was not needed by them. Very often I had to write complaints and appeals to the prosecutor's office and the ombudsman about the brutal treatment of the jailers to prisoners and inhuman conditions of detention in the colony. What can I say, in the winter of 2005-2006 there was no heating in the colony at all. And not only in the premises for the convicts! In the room for long visits, there were also subzero temperatures. My mother came to see me, and in this room I had to sleep dressed. After this visit, she fell ill with a severe form of bronchitis. Coughing and struggling with the temperature, she described in detail these "delights" in a letter addressed to the Prosecutor General. I wrote for my part in Strasbourg, a complaint to the ECHR. In short, in the summer of 2006, I was quickly replaced by a more mild regime and, in the very heat (knowing about my sick heart), was sent to the other end of Ukraine. To the Donbass. Curiously, my relatives wrote a statement to the Department of the IN with a request to transfer me to sit out the time closer to home. There is such a rule of law. The higher jailers from Kiev answered - of course, it will be so, all according to the law! And sent even further from his native Odessa. No one then could have imagined that a war would break out. Although we knew it back in 2000, Ukraine was pregnant with civil war.
Everything ends and ended 1.5 months of a terrible stage across the whole of Ukraine. In the scorching "funnels" and "Stolypin" wagons, in stuffy transit chambers, swarming with bedbugs and rats, with screams of jailers and bullying of convoy soldiers in the "stolypin", which had to be persuaded for hours to be taken to the toilet. So I got to Donbass.
From the windows of the barracks of the Torez colony No. 28, mine pits are visible, and on the horizon is the height of the Saur grave, crowned with an obelisk.
2014 arrived. Almost all the imprisoned colonies did not leave the TV, listening to the news. To me, as Odessa, it was terrible to look at the events of May 2. Until now, I'm wondering: why did this happen? Why were not you ready for battle? To fight, not to fight?! Why such pacifist frivolity? My comrade in the case of Odessa Komsomol members Alexander Gerasimov was released in 2013, returned to Odessa, and on May 2 he was burned in the House of Trade Unions. After serving 11 years in prison, in his native Odessa, he became an invalid. That's the fate ... We always remember - the dead in Odessa are calling for retribution ...
In Torese, my friends from freedom contacted me on the phone. They asked for advice and opinions. The creation of the militia was going on, and the first detachments of the "Right Sector" had already settled in the copses and forest plantations, like ghouls. A little later I was instructed to find volunteers among the prisoners in the newly formed units of the future army of the Donetsk People's Republic (DPR). And all this happened under the continuous cannonade of battles for the Saur grave. Before our very eyes, Bandera aviation was wiping this strategic height and its heroic defenders from the face of the earth, bombing checkpoints near Shakhtersk and Khartsyzsk on the road to Donetsk. On the same day in early August, Ukrainian mortar men fired at the colony itself. A woman was killed - an employee of the colony and one prisoner. The whole territory was covered with a crisp layer of broken glass and pieces of bricks.
And a few days later the Supreme Council of the DPR decided to release me from the places of imprisonment as a political prisoner. Accompanied by three militiamen, I went outside the gates of the camp. At great speed, so as not to get under fire, with arms in hand, we raced through the funneled road to Donetsk. Thus I was free.
And now I am proud to wear the "order" in the form of new criminal cases brought against me by the SBU for "terrorism", for cooperation with the "terrorist organization of the DNR", for publications exposing the junta, for promoting guerrilla warfare, for escape, after all.
Interestingly, our idea of creating the Black Sea Republic not only has not lost its relevance, but even vice versa. Now our goal is to build a new Russia. After all, it's not a name. And the methods of construction have not changed since 2000. The war in the Donbass is proof of this. In 2002, many did not believe us, but now they see for themselves: it is impossible to agree with the fascists.
by Andrey Yakovenko
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Commentary on this by the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the AUCPB.
The Central Committee of the AUCPB in its party documents and the Bolshevik press repeatedly covered the question of the attitude towards the armed struggle. Without taking into account the specific political situation, calls for such a struggle will only harm the communist movement, lead to the rout of the party, to the arrest and physical destruction of the most active comrades, as evidenced by the Odessa criminal case itself. For pseudo-ultra-revolutionism and leftism, for calls to conduct in the current situation guerrilla warfare, they were withdrawn from the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the AUCPB and A.A.Mayevsky was expelled from the party. (Chairman of the Bureau of the Central Committee for Ukraine and Moldova) along with and E.A Fatyanova (chief editor of the newspaper Worker-Peasant Hammer and Sickle). The Bolsheviks call for taking into account the emerging political situation and, depending on this, set specific tasks at this stage of the struggle. In our time, when there is no revolutionary situation, the main slogan of the party is "To work for the revolution." The main task today is to work with the masses, for "it is impossible to win with one avant-garde" ... "Revolution can not be made or placed on hold." It is impossible to order a revolution. A revolution grows"..." A revolution is impossible without a national (both exploited, and exploiters) crisis" (V.I. Lenin).
