IN MEMORY OF RAMON MERCADER

Almost everyone knows that the “revolutionary balalaika”, “Judah” (according to the characteristics given by V.I. Lenin) Lev Davidovich Bronstein (Trotsky) was killed before World War II, several years after his expulsion from the Soviet Union, as an agent of Soviet intelligence Ramon Mercader But the reasons for this event, and also - who? Where? when? are known only to a few specially interested in this event. But Ramon Mercader is a Hero of the Soviet Union.

October 18 of this year marks forty years since the death of this remarkable man, a real communist, without a trace who devoted his life to the cause of the revolutionary struggle. In this article, based on the memories of the legendary Soviet intelligence officer General P.A. Sudoplatov, we will examine - why it was necessary to end with Trotsky, the course of his liquidation, we will highlight the main events in the life of Ramon Mercader.

After the expulsion of Trotsky from the USSR, the struggle against Trotskyism acquired a new, international character. The left movement was in a state of serious disarray due to the attempts of the Trotskyists to subjugate it. Trotsky and his supporters gave a serious challenge to the Soviet Union, the dominant role of the Comintern, opposing its own IV International. Since Trotsky himself was essentially the only significant figure in Trotskyism, his destruction took on particular importance. This had to be done for a year before the inevitable war broke out.

The Trotskyists actively interacted with the intelligence services of the bourgeois states. From the Trotskyist circles in the intelligence services of France and Germany were materials about the actions of the Communist Parties in support of the Soviet Union. About relations with the Abwehr of the leaders of the Trotskyist revolt in Barcelona in 1937, was reported by agent Schulze-Boyzen, who later became one of the leaders of the Soviet underground group "Red Chapel". After his arrest, the Gestapo accused him of transmitting this information to Moscow, and this fact appeared in the death sentence of the Hitler court in his case. There is no doubt that Hitler considered Trotsky and Trotskyism as a backup pawn that could be used at the right time — during the war or after it — to settle scores with communism. Residents in Paris Vasilevsky, appointed in 1940 authorized by the Comintern Executive Committee, reported on examples of the use of the Abwehr of the Trotskyist connections to search for leaders of the French Communist Party hiding in the underground in the underground.

The present, already post-Soviet life has clearly shown that the hatred of Stalin and the leaders of the CPSU (b) towards political degenerates was justified. The decisive blow to the CPSU and the Soviet Union was dealt precisely with a group of Judah leaders of the CPSU. At the same time, the initial narrow-minded interests of the struggle for power, these figures masked the slogans of the struggle against "red tape" and "party apparatus" borrowed from Trotsky.

In order to carry out a reliable operation on Trotsky, Soviet intelligence organized two groups of those agents in Western Europe, Latin America and the United States who had never participated in any operations against Trotsky and his supporters. The first group was led by David Alfaro Siqueiros, a Mexican painter and veteran of the Spanish Civil War. He moved to Mexico and became one of the organizers of the Mexican Communist Party. The second is led by Caridad Mercader. Among her rich ancestors was the vice-governor of Cuba, and her great-grandfather was the Spanish ambassador to Russia. Caridad left her husband, a Spanish railway magnate, for anarchists and fled to Paris with four children in the early 1930s. For life she had to earn from knitting. When the civil war broke out in Spain in 1936, she returned to Barcelona, ​​joined the ranks of the anarchists and was seriously wounded in the stomach during an air raid. Her eldest son died in the Spanish Civil War, the middle one - Ramon (born February 7, 1913 in Barcelona) fought in a partisan unit. The youngest son Louis arrived in Moscow in 1939, along with other children of Spanish Republicans who had fled from Franco, the daughter remained in Paris.

Since Ramon was completely unknown among the Trotskyists, Eitingon, the immediate Soviet leader of the operation on Trotsky, who was at that time in Spain, decided to send him in the summer of 1938 from Barcelona to Paris under the guise of a young businessman, an adventurer and a life seeker, who sometimes would support political extremists because of their hostility towards any government.

By 1938, Ramon and his mother Caridad, both located in Paris, had committed themselves to cooperating with Soviet intelligence. In September, Ramon on a tip from the brothers Rouen met Sylvia Ageloff (Trotsky’s secretary), who was then in Paris. Following the instructions of Eitingon, he abstained from any political activity. His role was sometimes to help friends and those whom he sympathized with with money, but not to interfere in politics

Ramon Mercader himself volunteered to perform the task of Trotsky, using the knowledge he gained during the guerrilla war in Spain. During this war, he learned not only to shoot, but also mastered hand-to-hand combat technique. Considering that our people at that time did not have at their disposal special equipment, Mercader was ready to shoot, stab or kill the enemy, striking a heavy object. Caridad gave her son a "blessing." When Eitingon and she met with Ramon to analyze the security system at Trotsky's villa and select the murder weapon, they came to the conclusion that it is best to use a knife or a small ice ax climber: first, they are easier to hide from the guards, and second, these murder weapons are noiseless, so that no one from the domestic environment has time to come running to the rescue.

The two groups mentioned above did not communicate and did not know about each other's existence. Eitingon arrived in New York in October 1939 and established an import-export firm in Brooklyn that was used as a communications center. And most importantly, this company provided a "roof" to Ramon Mercader, who settled in Mexico with a fake Canadian passport in the name of Frank Jackson.

Gradually in Mexico, there was a cover for the Siqueiros group. Eitingon developed options for penetrating Trotsky's villa in Coyoacan, a suburb of Mexico City. The owner of the villa, the Mexican painter Diego Rivera, surrendered it to Trotsky. Siqueiros's group planned to take the building by storm, while Ramon, who had no idea about the existence of Siqueiros's group, was intended to use her love affair with Sylvia Ageloff to make friends with Trotsky's entourage.

To strengthen the network of illegal immigrants in Mexico, Eitingon also created a third, backup group led by Grigulevich (later a prominent scientist, corresponding member of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, literary pseudonym Lavretsky, in honor of Beria). Grigulevich collaborated with a group of Siqueiros. Grigulevich managed to make friends with one of Trotsky's bodyguards, Sheldon Hart. When Hart was on duty on May 23, 1940, Grigulevich knocked at the gate of the villa in the pre-dawn hours. Hart made an unforgivable mistake - he opened the gate, and Siqueiros's group broke into the residence of Trotsky. They riddled the room where Trotsky was. But, since they shot through a closed door and the results of the shelling were not checked, Trotsky, hidden under the bed, remained alive.

The "legend" for the work of Ramon Mercader looked like this: the murder had to be presented as an act of personal revenge against Trotsky, who allegedly dissuaded Sylvia Ageloff from marrying Mercader. If Mercader had been captured, he should have stated that the Trotskyists intended to use the funds donated to them for personal purposes, and not at all for the needs of the movement, and report that Trotsky was trying to persuade him to enter the international terrorist organization, which had the aim of killing Stalin and other Soviet leaders .

In 1969, already in the USSR, Ramon Mercader talked about August 20, 1940: "Trotsky sat at his desk and read an article that I brought him for review." When Mercader was preparing to strike, Trotsky, absorbed in reading the article, turned his head slightly, and this changed the direction of the blow, weakening his strength. That is why Trotsky was not killed immediately and screamed for help. ” Ramon was confused and could not stab Trotsky, although he had a knife with him. “Imagine, after all, I went through a guerrilla war and stabbed a guard at the bridge during the Spanish Civil War, but Trotsky’s cry literally paralyzed me,” Ramon recalled. When Trotsky's wife ran into the room with guards, Mercader was knocked down and he could not use a pistol. However, this, as it turned out, was not necessary. Trotsky died the next day in the hospital.


Eitingon and Caridad, who had been waiting for Ramon in a car near the villa, had to flee when there was a clear commotion in the house. First, they fled to Cuba, where Caridad, using her family connections, managed to go underground. Mercader was arrested as Frank Jackson, a Canadian businessman and his real name was not known to the authorities for six years. After his arrest, Mercader held a hunger strike for two or three months, claiming during the investigation that he was one of Trotsky’s angry supporters. He was beaten twice a day by members of the Mexican special services — and it lasted all six years until he managed to reveal his real name.

The security services managed to establish the identity of Mercader only after in 1946 one of the prominent figures of the Spanish Communist Party, who had been in Moscow before his escape, ran to the West. When the Mercader files were brought to Mexico from the Spanish police archives, his identity was established, it became pointless to unlock it. In the face of irrefutable evidence, Frank Jackson admitted that he is actually Ramon Mercader and comes from a wealthy Spanish family. But he did not admit that he killed Trotsky on the orders of the Soviet intelligence. In all his statements, Mercader invariably emphasized the personal motive of this murder. The woman who looked after Ramon in prison fell in love with him and visited her weekly. He later married her and brought her to Moscow with him when he was released from prison.

Ramon Mercader fully served his sentence (twenty years), was released on May 6, 1960 and brought to Cuba, and then secretly transported by ship to the USSR. By decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR of May 31, 1960, Ramon Merkader - Lopez Ramon Ivanovich was awarded the title Hero of the Soviet Union, with the award of the Order of Lenin and the Gold Star medal (No. 11089). In Moscow, Mercader was received by the KGB Chairman Shelepin, who handed him the Hero Star of the Soviet Union.

By a special decision of the Central Committee of the party and at the personal request of Dolores Ibarruri (Pasionarii), Mercader was hired as a senior researcher at the Institute of Marxism-Leninism in Moscow. Mercader's wife Raquel Mendoza worked as a speaker in the Spanish edition of Moscow Radio. In 1963, they adopted two children: Arthur, a boy of twelve years, and a girl, Laura, of six months. Their parents were friends of the Mercader. His father, a member of the Spanish Civil War, fled after the defeat of the Republicans to Moscow, and later, returning home as an illegal agent, was captured by the Francoists and executed. Mother died in Moscow during childbirth.

In the mid-70s, Mercader left Moscow for Cuba, where he was an adviser to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with Fidel Castro. He died in 1978. His ashes were delivered to Moscow. They buried Mercadera at Kuntsevo Cemetery. There he rests under the name of Ramon Ivanovich Lopez, Hero of the Soviet Union.

Mercader was a professional revolutionary and was proud of his role in the struggle for communist ideals. He did not regret that he killed Trotsky: "If I had to live again the forties, I would have done everything I did."

Material prepared by S.V. Khristenko

Cuba on a knife edge

The people of the Republic of Cuba have to approve or not to approve in a referendum a new constitution of the country. What is the new constitution, how far and in what direction do the changes declared by the new constitution go?

In general, with regard to modern Cuba in the left movement of Russia, there are two extreme points of view. One extreme point prefers not to notice any changes that have occurred in the island nation and repeats the bravura propaganda of the Brezhnev era. The second point rushes to the other extreme: it is announced that in Cuba after 1991 capitalism has almost been restored (or is about to be restored), “the revolution has died”, etc. Both extreme points are far from reality.

The changes that have occurred in the economy of Cuba, in part, can be compared with the Soviet NEP in the 1920s. “Partly” - because, of course, any comparison of different countries and eras is not very correct. The Soviet NEP was viewed as a temporary retreat before capitalism. From 1990-2000s, small private entrepreneurship was allowed in Cuba, including in the field of food processing and sale, mobile sales of agricultural products, passenger and freight traffic, rental of housing, etc. In 2012, the total number of individual entrepreneurs in Cuba was about 386 thousand people (with 11 million people). However, the path of capital in the medium and large industry was blocked. This allows us to state that Cuba is a socialist country and public property is dominant in the economy.

Why did the Cuban Communist Party and the government need to create an entrepreneurial layer, to produce the petty bourgeoisie (which dreams of becoming a big one), why it was impossible to do without it? The answer to this question lies in the structure of the Cuban economy. After the 1959 revolution in Cuba, the need for industrialization was announced. However, industrialization was carried out by truly turtle methods. The Cuban government was taken prisoner by the proposals of the Khrushchev-Brezhnev leadership of the USSR on the "international division of labor." In the case of Cuba, this meant the following: Cuba produces what it specializes in, and in exchange imports other goods from other socialist countries. Pre-revolutionary Cuba was a backward agrarian country, its main product was sugar cane. The “division of labor” led to the fact that Cuba began to supply sugar to the USSR and other socialist countries and bought everything necessary for itself.

The system worked successfully while the Soviet Union existed. But when the USSR and the world socialist system collapsed in 1991, the export of sugar cane sharply declined, and the import of goods to Cuba was just as sharply reduced. Up to the point that in Cuba began a shortage of food.

As an opposite example, we can mention the development option of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. At the time, the DPRK abandoned the “division of labor” and relied on building socialism based on its own strengths. As a result, in the DPRK today produce cars, tractors, buses, trolley buses and in general everything that is needed for life. In Cuba, there is nothing of this.

Fidel Castro had to go to the “Cuban NEP”. Including it was allowed to Cubans living abroad to send remittances to relatives in Cuba. And this means the creation in Cuba of a stratum of the population living on account of assistance from another state.

Including in Cuba, it relied on foreign inbound tourism in the country. And this means not only the import of alien ideologies, but also the emergence in the country of a whole industry oriented to services to foreigners, including illegal prostitution, etc.

Including small business was allowed.

The draft of the new constitution of Cuba reinforces the changes that have occurred. So, besides socialist state property, cooperative property, personal property and the property of small farmers, the new constitution allows for the existence of private property. What does this mean? Would not such a declaration lead to the general restoration of capitalism?

To answer this question, you need to pay attention to another aspect of constitutional changes, although not as important as the question of ownership.

In the previous constitution, it was stated that a marriage could be concluded between “a man and a woman”. The draft new constitution states that marriage is a voluntary union between two people, without specifying their gender. Does this mean that in Cuba will begin the mass conclusion of same-sex marriage? All experts believe that this will not happen. The main reason: in Cuba, as in any other Latin American country, there are extremely negative attitude towards homosexuals, not to mention the likelihood of their marriage. Therefore, no mass gay marriages are expected.

Why do we need such adjustments about the marriage sphere in the constitution? The answer lies in the conditions in which Cuba lives after the collapse of the world socialist system, in the new international situation. Extremely hostile relations with Cuba are only with the United States. With other capitalist countries, Cuba is trying to maintain normal economic relations and even make friends. Otherwise, an agrarian country can no longer survive. A few decades ago, when Cuba did not have to be friends with the capitalists, homosexuality was criminalized there, as in other socialist countries. In capitalist countries today, on the contrary, gay marriages are legalized. And within the framework of “rapprochement” with other countries, Fidel Castro in 2010 expressed regret about the former persecution of homosexuals in Cuba.

Thus, today we see declarative changes in the Cuban constitution, which do not result in any radical changes in the Cuban reality by themselves. The same goes for the issue of “recognition of private property”. For the sake of improving economic relations with capitalist countries, the Cuban leadership is abandoning the image of “left-wing extremists.”

Here, of course, another reasonable question arises: would not such concessions to the world of capital from Cuba lead to irreversible changes for the worst in the country? Will real destructive “reforms” follow the declaration? ..

In this regard, we can recall the statement of Fidel Castro. “I remember very well how, after the collapse of the USSR, many people attacked me with tips on doing all the dirty tricks that everyone else did. I am going to some meeting, such as the inauguration, certain individuals always gather there ... other Latin American leaders came - all with advice for me on how to act so that Cuba could survive ... I listened to them with great respect, discussed how I had meaning to discuss the issue, and remained unshakable, "- said the leader of the Cuban revolution.

In fact, since 1991, Cuba seems to be walking along the knife edge, making some concessions (the admissibility of which can and should, of course, be argued), but retaining mostly socialist gains, without falling into a capitalist nightmare.

The draft new constitution defines Cuba as a socialist state. At the same time, “The Communist Party of Cuba retains its role as the highest governing force of society and the state, emphasizing its democratic and permanent character of relations with the people.”

“The current Constitution, adopted 42 years ago in national and international conditions, very different from the present, needs to be reformed in order to incorporate socio-economic changes carried out in accordance with the decisions of the Sixth and Seventh Congresses of the Communist Party of Cuba ... so that every citizen understands the need and scope of the changes that we must make to the Constitution in order to guarantee the non-revisable nature of socialism and the continuity of the Revolution, ”said Raúl castro, July 26, 2018

Pessimists predict the collapse of the socialist system in Cuba since 1991. However, it is still there.

It remains to wish the Cubans that the current pessimistic forecasts do not come true. To wish that the recommendations of the capitalist "friends" again remain an empty sound. To wish Cuba to stand in the current capitalist environment, while remaining an Island of Freedom and awaiting a new world revolutionary upsurge that will create a new USSR on the planet.

But for this to happen, one should not adapt to “international conditions”, but change them.

Dar Vetrov

Statement of the Central Committee of the AUCPB on the terrorist attack in Kerch

ABOUT THE KERCH TRAGEDY

The Central Committee of the AUCPB expresses its deep condolences to the families and friends of all the dead (19 people) and victims (over 50) in an explosion and shooting at the Kerch Polytechnic College on October 17, 2018. The immaculate organization and conduct of the Kerch crime attack calls into reasonable doubt that the planning and implementation of the attack was carried out individually by one college student. Crimean law enforcement agencies must draw the appropriate conclusions to prevent such "screaming" crimes. This also applies to law enforcement agencies in the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics, shamefully “missed” the attacks against the head of the DPR, AV Zakharchenko, the leaders of the Motorola, Givi, Mozgovoy and other militia. This is part of a large-scale U.S. struggle against any attempts to unite the fragments of our common homeland destroyed by American imperialism. Eloquent Putin talks about love for the Motherland, about protecting its political and economic interests, can be worth something only on condition that President Vladimir Putin will clearly and unequivocally declare - yes, it is the ruling circles of the United States and their European satellites, along with the internal Russian "fifth column" - liberals of various stripes and colors - are the main enemies of the Russian Federation, its economic and geopolitical interests. The United States is not a “partner” for us, but a predatory, powerful imperialist enemy, developing various options for the destruction of Russia and its people and putting these options into effect due to the possibility at the moment of their realization.



10/17/2018 Central Committee of the AUCPB

110 YEARS FROM THE DAY OF BIRTH OF ENVER HOXHA

110 years ago, on October 16, 1908, Enver Hoxha, an outstanding figure of the Albanian revolutionary movement, first secretary of the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labor, was born in the city of Gjirokastra in the south of Albania. After graduating from high school in Korca Lyceum in 1930, Enver entered the Faculty of Natural Sciences in Montpellier (France). In Paris, where he then moved, he contacts the editorial office of the newspaper L'manite, for which he writes a number of articles on the situation in Albania. In 1936, Hoxha returned to his homeland and entered the Korchinsky Lyceum as a teacher. In Korca, he establishes contacts with communist groups and becomes one of the most active leaders of these groups.

After the Italian fascists, with the connivance of the Western powers, occupied Albania in April 1939, Enver Hoxha was one of the initiators of the organization of the resistance movement to the fascist invaders. He did a lot of work to unite the existing fragmented communist groups into a single party. Pursued by the occupiers, Hoxha was forced into deep underground. The occupation authorities convicted him in absentia and sentenced him to death. After the beginning of the Great Patriotic War of 1941 in the Soviet Union against Hitler Germany, Enver Hoxha and other leaders of the communist movement stepped up the struggle for the creation of a communist party. On November 8, 1941, in Tirana, under the illegal conditions, the first conference of communist groups was held, at which the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) was created. The party led by the Central Committee, in which Enver Hoxha took an active part, acted as the organizer and leader of the liberation struggle of the Albanian people against the fascist invaders and their Albanian henchmen. On September 16, 1942, in the city of Peza, at the conference of representatives of the broad sections of the Albanian population, convened on the initiative of the CPA, the Council of National Liberation was created, and Enver Hoxha was elected a member of the presidium. In March 1943, at the 1st All-Albanian Conference of the CPA, he was elected General Secretary of the CC of the CPA. In July 1943, Hoxha was appointed Commissioner of the Supreme Headquarters of the People’s Liberation Army. On May 24, 1944, the first national liberation antifascist congress elected Enver Hoxha as the chairman of the Anti-Fascist Committee of the National Liberation of Albania in the liberated city of Permete, at the same time he was appointed Supreme Commander of the People’s Liberation Army. At the 2nd National Liberation Congress held in Berat in October 1944, the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Committee was reorganized into a provisional democratic government, and Enver Hoxha was appointed its head. Under the leadership of the Central Committee of the CPA in November 1944, the rout of the Italian and German occupiers was completed. Revolutionary social and economic transformations began in the liberated country. After the adoption of the people's democratic constitution (March 1946) and until June 1954, Hoxha was the head of the government, and in 1946-1953. - also by the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

In 1948-1954 - General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labor (in 1948, the CPA was renamed the Albanian Party of Labor - TLA). Since July 1954 - the first secretary of the Central Committee of the APT.

For the skilful leadership of the military actions of the People’s Liberation Army of Albania in the fight against Hitler’s Germany and fascist Italy, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR issued a decree of August 9, 1947 to the Order of Suvorov of the 1st degree.

After the 20th Congress of the CPSU, Enver Hoxha continued building socialism in Albania, remaining loyal to the ideas of Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin, subjecting to destructive criticism opportunism and revisionism of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. For such loyalty and criticism, Enver Hoxha “deserved” in the Soviet Union in the third edition of the Great Soviet Encyclopedia (TSB, 1978) only 22 lines of mention of himself, without publishing a photo.

From the memoirs of Enver Hoxha about the meetings with J.V. Stalin:

We have always dreamed about meeting with Stalin day and night since we got acquainted with Marxist-Leninist theory. This desire intensified even more during the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Struggle. After the outstanding figures - Marx, Engels and Lenin - Comrade Stalin was extremely dear and respected for us, because his instructions guided us in the struggle to establish the Communist Party of Albania, as a party of Leninist type, inspired us during the National Liberation struggle and helped us in the construction of socialism.

Conversations with Stalin and his advice should have been guiding in our great and difficult work to consolidate the victories won.

From the very beginning, he created such a friendly atmosphere for us that we soon felt relief from the natural excitement that enveloped us at the entrance to his office - a spacious hall with a long meeting table next to his desk. A few minutes after the first words were said, we had the feeling that we did not talk with the great Stalin, but sat with a friend we knew before, with whom we spoke many times. Then I was still young and representative of a small party and a small country; therefore, in order to create as warm and friendly atmosphere for me as possible, Stalin joked and with love and great respect began to talk about our people, about its military traditions in the past and about its heroism in the National Liberation Struggle. He spoke quietly, calmly and with a peculiar, warming feeling.

Evaluating the correct policy that our party pursued with the masses in general, with the peasantry — in particular, Comrade Stalin gave us a number of valuable comradely advice about our future work. In addition to everything else, he expressed the idea that our Communist Party, since the percentage of communist peasants in its ranks is more significant, could be renamed the “Albanian Party of Labor”. “In any case,” he noted, “this is only my consideration, for it is you, this is your party that decides.”

The attention with which he listened to our explanations about our new economy and the ways of its development impressed us very much. As in the conversation about these problems, and in all the other conversations with him, I ran into the memory, among other things, one of his remarkable features: he never gave orders and did not impose his opinion. He spoke, advised, made various proposals, but always added: “This is my opinion,” “we think so. You, comrades, look and decide for yourself, based on your specific situation, depending on your conditions. ” He was interested in all the problems.

During the days of our stay in Moscow, after each meeting and conversation with Comrade Stalin, we saw even more and more closely in this outstanding revolutionary, in this great Marxist, also a simple, sensitive and wise man - a real person. He loved the Soviet people with all his heart, he devoted all his strength and energy to it, his mind and heart were full of them. These qualities could be noticed in any conversation with him, in any event that he conducted - from the most important to the most mundane.

A few days after our arrival in Moscow, I was present, together with Comrade Stalin and other leaders of the party and the Soviet state, at the All-Union Athletic Manifestation at the Central Stadium in Moscow. With what passion Stalin watched this event. For more than two hours he sat completely focused, watching the actions of the demonstration participants, and despite the fact that it was raining by the end of the demonstration and several times Molotov asked him to leave, he continued to follow the actions of the athletes, to joke and greet him with attention. I remember at the end of the exercises a massive cross took place. The runners ran around the stadium field several times. Meanwhile, as the competition ended, a lagging, lanky runner appeared before the podium. He barely moved his legs, his hands swayed now in front, then behind, and nevertheless he tried to run. He is the whole izmok to the last thread. Stalin looked at this runner with a smile that expressed regret and fatherly warmth:

- My dear, - he turned to him about himself, - go home, go home, rest a bit, eat and come again! There will be more running ...

After dinner, Comrade Stalin invited us to go to the Kremlin cinema, where, in addition to some film magazines, we watched the Soviet feature film "Tractor Driver". We sat down next to the sofa, and I was struck by the attention with which Stalin watched this new Soviet-made film. Often he spoke louder in his warm voice and commented on various moments from the events in the film. He especially liked how the protagonist, tractor tractor, to win the trust of his comrades and farmers, tried to better learn the customs and behavior of people from the field, their thoughts and aspirations. By working and living with people, this tractor driver could become a respected and respectable peasant leader. Stalin told us at that moment:

- To be able to lead, you need to know the masses, and to know it, you have to go to the masses.

So we spent several hours in such a warm, cordial and family atmosphere. Like me and all of our comrades, the behavior and features of the glorious Stalin, the man whose name and cause drove fear on his enemies — the imperialists, the fascists, the Trotskyists, the reactionaries of all stripes, while the communists, the proletarians, the peoples excited joy and delight, multiplying their strength and strengthening their faith in the future.

This time I spent the entire month of April in the Soviet Union.

A few days after this meeting, on April 6, I went to the “Bolshoi Theater” to listen to the new opera play “With all my heart”, which, as they explained to me before the play began, narrated about a new life in a collective farm village. That evening, Comrade Stalin came to listen to this opera, who was sitting in the seat of the first tier, next to the stage, while I was sitting in the seat of the second tier, on the other side of the stage, along with our comrades and the two Soviet comrades who accompanied us.

The next day I was told that Stalin severely criticized this opera, which had previously been praised to the skies by some critics of art, as a valuable musical creation.

I was later told that Comrade Stalin criticized this opera play for the fact that life in a collective farm village was biased and incorrectly reflected in it. Comrade Stalin said that the collective-farm life in this work was idealized, it was portrayed falsely, it did not reflect the struggle of the masses against various shortcomings and difficulties, and everything was covered with varnish and penetrated with the dangerous idea that “everything is going well”.

Later, this opera was criticized in the central party press, and I understood Stalin’s deep concern over the phenomena that carried the seeds of a great threat to the future.

From the unforgettable visits of those days, I also ran into a visit to Stalingrad, where, in particular, I visited Mamayev Kurgan. During the years of the anti-Hitler war, the soldiers of the Red Army with the name of Stalin in their mouths defended not just every inch, but every millimeter of this mound. Mamaev Kurgan was plowed by shells and repeatedly changed appearance due to the terrible bombardment. From the place, to the glorified Stalingrad battle covered with grass and flowers, it turned into piles of iron and steel, into a heap of tanks that rammed one another. I bent over and with awe gathered a handful of earth from this Kurgan, a symbol of the heroism of the Stalin warrior, and, returning to Albania, presented it to the museum of the National Liberation Struggle in Tirana.

From Mamayev Kurgan, in full view, one could see all of Stalingrad, in the midst of which the wide Volga River snaked. In this legendary city, on the basis of the Stalinist plan for the defeat of the Hitlerite hordes, Soviet soldiers wrote glorious pages, they defeated the Nazi aggressors and marked the beginning of a turning point in the entire Second World War. This city, which bears the name of the great Stalin, was incinerated, destroyed, all was turned into ruins, but did not surrender.

I now had a completely different look. The city destroyed by the war was rebuilt in an exceptionally short time. New multi-storey residential buildings, cultural institutions, schools, universities, cinemas, hospitals, modern factories and factories, new, wide and beautiful streets completely transformed the look of the city. The streets were green from young trees, parks and squares - full of flowers and children. I went to the tractor factory of this city and met with many workers. “... We love the Albanian people very much, and now, in peacetime, we also work for them,” a worker from this factory told me. “We will send even more tractors to the Albanian peasants, this is Stalin’s will and mandate.”

Everywhere we felt love and respect, in the spirit of which ordinary Soviet people were brought up by the great Stalin, beloved and unforgettable friend of the Albanian people and the Albanian Party of Labor.

So, this visit to the Soviet Union was completed, during which I lastly directly met the great Stalin, about whom, as I have said before, I will keep indelible memories and impressions for the rest of my life.

Material prepared by Comrade Mels

Congratulations to the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCPB N.A. Andreeva

Dear Nina Alexandrovna!


We sincerely congratulate you on your anniversary!

Over the past 30 years you have done a lot to popularize the ideas of Bolshevism. This and your publication March 13, 1988 in the newspaper “Sovetskaya Rossiya” a letter “I cannot give up principles”, which began the revival of Bolshevism in the period of unbridled propaganda by liberals of frantic anti-communism and anti-Stalinism. The published article divided Soviet society into supporters of socialism and its ardent enemies. This is your unification of pro-Soviet-minded people in the society “Unity - For Leninism and Communist Ideals” created by you in May 1989. This is the successful continuation of your political activity in the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB) created on your initiative in Leningrad on November 8, 1991, which restored Lenin's revolutionary doctrine of Bolshevism in the real political life of the country.

For the past 27 years, you have stood at the head of the Central Committee of the AUCPB, uncompromisingly denying opportunism of deliberately or accidentally joining us who managed to “cling” to the post-Stalin era to the building of communism in the USSR. High moral and political authority of the AUCPB is in the international communist movement.

In today's chaotic socio-political situation more and more people understand - following the Leninist-Stalinist principles, following the Bolshevik course and the fundamental provisions of the socialist economy - it is the only proper way to revive the values ​​of the Great October Socialist Revolution, to the revival of our great superpower, to the restoration of disinterested friendship of Soviet peoples and to regain the faith of people in tomorrow and the bright future of their children.

Nina Alexandrovna! With all my heart, we wish you, our dear comrade, good health, inexhaustible optimism in the hardest political struggle, will, strength and energy in leadership of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

CC AUCPB

Youth Bureau of the Central Committee of the AUCPB

October 12, 2018

The leadership of the Shmakov trade unions betrays the interests of workers

Appeal to the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Trade Union of workers of REP Gybinu I.V.

The protest against raising the retirement age, or more simply, the destruction of our people is gaining momentum. Primary trade union organizations appeal to their leaders with proposals to organize the All-Russian protest action, criticize the compromising policy of the FNPR and its leader M. Shmakov, demanding that deputies who are members of the United Russia faction who voted for raising the retirement age be excluded from the trade union organization.

Below we give one of these appeals.


RUSSIAN TRADE UNION OF EMPLOYEES OF RADIO ELECTRONIC INDUSTRY

TRADE UNION COMMITTEE JSC IZHEVSKY ELECTROMECHANICAL PLANT KUPOL

Chairman of the Central Committee of the Trade Union of Workers of REP Gybinu I.V.

Dear Ivan Vyacheslavovich!

The primary trade union organization of JSC IEMZ Kupol appeals to you as a guarantor of the protection of the social and labor rights of workers, a leader uniting the workers of the radio-electronic industry of our country!

The decision to raise the retirement age, so promptly taken by the Government of the Russian Federation and supported by the State Duma of the Russian Federation, causes our utmost indignation! We are also deeply outraged by the decision of the FNPR and personally Mr. M. Shmakov. on agreement with the ongoing pension reform, despite the proposals aimed at its “mitigation”!

The unprecedented attack on the rights of workers, the violation of the moral and social norms of society received a wide public response!

The position taken by the so-called “trade union deputies”, who are simultaneously members of the political faction “United Russia”, causes a sharply negative reaction. It is not clear why representatives of the trade union in the State Duma allow themselves to vote for the adoption of an anti-people law, adhering to the so-called “United Russia” factional discipline, thereby undermining the authority of the most numerous organization designed to protect the rights of the working people?

We see excellent ideological training and discipline in the United Russia party and a low level of trade union discipline. Instead of fulfilling their intended purpose and voting against raising the retirement age, the “chosen ones” chose to cowardly support the bill, betraying those who believe them! The political ambitions of these henchmen are now completely clear!

We insist on the exclusion of these trade union parliamentarians from the ranks of the trade union organization in connection with the loss of trust! We think we were betrayed!

With their "help", the Federation of Independent Trade Unions in one instant lost the confidence of the absolute majority of its employees!

It is still possible to increase the authority and restore the confidence of the working people, only for this it is necessary, while there is still time, to say “NO” to the destructive law together.

Ivan Vyacheslavovich, the Primary Trade Union Organization of IEMZ Kupol JSC, having carefully studied and analyzed the Resolution of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Russian Trade Union of Radio Electronic Industry Workers, is ready to support you in the struggle for workers' rights! To achieve this goal, it is time to unite with our colleagues in the face of other industries, as well as other organizations and associations that support our ideals.

We offer you, as the leader of the Trade Union of workers in the radio-electronic industry, not to allow the adoption of the law in the second reading and, not waiting for the third reading of this anti-social bill, to coordinate the activities of the REP industry enterprises with enterprises of other industries, as well as our colleagues, to organize and lead the All-Russian action protest of workers in the form of a rally or march!

We are with you in the fight against the violation of the rights of the working people! We are against solving state problems at the expense of robbing ordinary people!

We do not call for revolution, we call for solidarity, thereby fulfilling our main function - protecting the labor rights of the working people!

We are for STRONG and FAIR trade union!

On behalf of the trade union activist PPO JSC "IEMZ" Kupol "

Chairman of the trade union committee V.B. Nelsin

Overview of the labor movement in the second half of September-2018

All-Russian protest against raising the retirement age increased

In the second half of September 2018, in the days when the fate of the bill in the State Duma was decided, the number of meetings and pickets increased even more in comparison with the first autumn days. Only in the period from September 17 to 23, protest actions against the anti-popular plans of Putin and Medvedev to increase the retirement age took place in more than 100 cities. The most massive was the rally in Moscow, which was attended by about 40,000 people. In Omsk, approximately 2,000 citizens took part in the action, over 1,000 in Sverdlovsk and Cherepovets of the Vologda region, over 800 in Krasnoyarsk, 700 each in Orel and Ulyanovsk, 600 in each in Izhevsk and Astrakhan, and 500 in Irkutsk and Ulyanovsk, in Omsk - 400, in Leningrad - over 300, in Vladivostok - 250, in Novotroitsk, Orenburg Region, Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, Cheboksary, Krasnodar, Kalinin (Tver) - 200 people each. Protests were also held in Khabarovsk, Komsomolsk-on-Amur, Voronezh, Chelyabinsk, Magnitogorsk, Anadyr, Chita, Tomsk, Magadan, Barnaul, Kazan, Samara, Krasnoyarsk, Simferopol, Rostov-on-Don, Cherkessk, Sochi, Abakan, as well as in many regional centers of the Stalingrad and Chelyabinsk regions, the Krasnodar Territory and many other regions.

The protesting workers, peasants, students, retirees, the unemployed, representatives of the intelligentsia held in their hands posters on which it was written: “Got all the millionaires, and keep pensioners!”, “In the coffin we will see this pension!”, “Pension reform - robbery of workers ! "," I do not want to die at work! "," Chose Putin, enjoy the price increase! "," United Russia ", stop the nightmare of old men!", "I want to live until retirement!" At many protests, people called on Putin and Medvedev to resign. For example, on September 22 in Astrakhan at a rally one representatives of the Left Party was holding a banner reading "Putin's resignation only to stop the pension reform!"

-----------------------------

Workers strike in Leningrad

On September 24 metrostroevtsy suspended work. During the strike, the SMU-10 team demanded to pay off the salary debt.

Refusal to perform work duties in connection with the non-payment of money since mid-July, wrote many workers of the company "Management №10 Metrostroy."

Because of the protest, work was partially stopped at the tunnel of the ferry between Primorskaya and Novokrestovskaya, as well as at the Borovaya metro station under construction.

The reaction to the worker’s protest was quite fast - the money for the second half of July was found in just a few hours, and not only for the protesting SMU-10, but also for the workers of other contracting organizations. The bosses of Metrostroy expressed the hope that, having received part of their salary, the workers would return to their facilities, but did not bother to name the date for paying the money for August and September.

The workers were determined. “We are waiting for the remuneration of our work for August - September, we will most likely not go to work until this point,” said one of them.

“People have nothing to feed the children while the leaders drive around on expensive cars and lead a chic lifestyle. While I’m waiting for the money, I’ll probably work as a loader,” said another protester.

 -----------------------------------

Strike in the Amur region

On September 26, workers at the site of mechanization of the pumping station No. 23 in the village of Tygda declared a strike. Employees to whom the employer has not yet paid wages for June-August, refused to take up their duties.

They demanded to pay off wage arrears for June, July and August, to start issuing settlement sheets monthly, handing them employment contracts, and paying travel allowance and returning the cost of train tickets.

 -----------------------------

Rally in Tolyatti

On September 23 in the evening, a rally was held in the local park against the air pollution of this large city of the Kuibyshev region. The protest action, officially authorized by the authorities, lasted for an hour and a half and gathered 1,200 people - just such a number of citizens put their signatures under a resolution adopted by the rally’s results to the Togliatti authorities. Workers, pensioners, representatives of the intelligentsia demanded that officials tighten their control over the cleanliness of the atmosphere. Those who came to the rally had posters with the text: "We want to breathe fresh air!", "We are defending the environment for our children."

Togliatti people feel the air pollution on their own health, especially in the morning: there is nothing to breathe, eyes and nose mucosa, larynx literally burns. In some kindergartens, children were no longer taken out for a morning walk.

In Tolyatti, the number of oncological diseases has doubled in seven years, and there is a real smothering of people by chemical emissions under the tacit connivance of the local authorities.

-----------------------------

Protest in the capital of Lithuania

On September 17, a rally of cultural workers gathered in Vilnius outside the government building. They demanded a salary increase of 75 euros each.

Their earnings last increased in 2016. However, this increase has already been swallowed up by inflation. On average, Lithuanian cultural and art workers receive salaries, which rank third among the lowest earnings in the European Union.

 ----------------------------

Abroad

General strike in Argentina

Tens of thousands of people took to the streets of cities on September 26 to protest the austerity measures announced by President Makri. These are the conditions that the government must fulfill in order to receive a cash loan from the IMF.

The strike was organized by the largest Argentine trade union association - the General Confederation of Labor. It was attended by workers, employees, and other categories of the population. Because of the protest, banks and judicial bodies were closed, and there were stoppages in the work of railway and air transport.

Prior to that, within a month, university teachers and school teachers were on strike against the government’s plans, since the upcoming measures imply a substantial reduction in the financing of the educational system.

 -------------------------------

Thousands attend of demonstration in the capital of Poland

On September 22, one of the largest demonstrations organized by trade unions in recent years took place in Warsaw. Under the slogan “Poland needs a salary increase!”, About 16 thousand workers, employees, representatives of the intelligentsia took to the streets, who demanded wage increases from the authorities.

The grand demonstration, which began in the very center of the Polish capital at exactly noon, was attended by representatives of all sectoral organizations that are members of the All-Poland Trade Union Agreement.

With banners and banners, energy workers, teachers, builders, transport workers, workers in main industries, trade and services workers, people of culture and art walked hand in hand. The basic slogan is simple: “We need to raise wages!”.

Another important requirement is the amendment of the pension legislation. According to trade union activists, every citizen of the country should receive the right to early retirement, regardless of age. Everything must be decided solely by seniority. For women, the mandatory experience should be 35 years, and for men - 40.

 ----------------------------

London tube drivers strike

September 26 at 13:00 in the British capital, the strike began. It was organized by the drivers of the Piccadilly line tube trains.

The trade union, defending the interests of the workers of the underground, could not agree with its superiors and the mayoralty on raising wages and improving working conditions. Therefore, the drivers did not see any other way out except for the strike.

Public discussions on the project of installing the monument to J.V. Stalin in the city of Novosibirsk

From October 9 to October 29 public discussions on the installation of the monument to J.V. Stalin on the territory of the city of Novosibirsk at the following addresses:

- next to the building of the Federal State Budgetary Institution “House of Officers of the Novosibirsk Garrison” (63 Krasny Avenue);

- on the square of the Siberian Guardsmen near the stele "Bayonets";

- in the Efremovsky Square near the building of PJSC "Tyazhstankogidropress" (Sibiryakov Guardsmen Street, 50).

Notice of public discussion is published on the official website of the city - http://novo-sibirsk.ru/upload/iblock/3dd/byust.pdf

Public discussions are conducted via the Internet. Not only residents of the city of Novosibirsk - any citizen of Russia, public organizations, legal entities, expert organizations can send comments and suggestions. Feedback is sent in the form of an attached document by e-mail to imiheev@admnsk.ru

Similar public discussions are held in the city for the first time. The question is why the project of installation of the monument to J.V. Stalin is undergoing public hearings? After all, neither a monument to Emperor Nicholas II, nor a monument to Prince Vladimir the Baptist of Rus did not undergo such a procedure.

Application for approval of the location of the monument to J.V. Stalin on the territory of the city was sent to the mayor's office on August 22. This issue was included on the agenda of the artistic council on October 3, but then was urgently withdrawn due to the need for public discussion. The fact is that on August 29, the mayor’s office (signed by the mayor, AE Lokt) introduces changes to the decree of the mayor’s office No. 7056, which complicates the approval procedure and, moreover, introduces a procedure for dismantling the inconsistently installed monument on both municipal and private territory.

Also, according to the same decree of the city hall of September 29, 188, the permission of the district administration is now also required. It cost only the head of the Leninsky district to object to the installation of the monument J.V. Stalin in the Square of Glory (Monument of Glory), and the question was immediately closed.

It turns out that the municipality is opposing the installation of a monument in the city, following the lead of the liberal public.

It is not surprising that the mayor’s office offered a site in a remote Kirovsky district of the city - in Efremovsky Square. Like, place it, but in the back out of sight.

Recall that in September last year, at a meeting of the City Council’s artistic council, a working group was formed to determine the location of the monument to J.V. Stalin on the territory of Novosibirsk. According to the results of her work, there are three possible sites for the installation of the monument to J.V. Stalin.

The municipality did not approve the sites offered by the initiative group: on Krasny Prospect (for example, at the stele to the Heroes of the Great Patriotic War), on the Monument of Glory (in the Square of Glory), in front of the Stalin Club). The mayor's office proposed Efremovsky Square at the plant "Tyazhstankogidropress." For our part, we offered a place near the House of Officers (next to the bust of the Russian commander MI Kutuzov). A member of the artistic council E.M. Trofimovich offered a stela "Bayonet" on the square Siberian guards.

Based on the indisputable merit of J.V. Stalin in the organization of the Victory of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War, we propose to establish a monument to Generalissimo J.V. Stalin in the historically significant, central part of the city - near the House of Officers.

Due to the fact that approval by the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation is required to coordinate the installation of the monument next to the House of Officers, we are on October 7 of this year, sent an appeal to the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin and Minister of Defense of the Russian Federation S.K. Shoigu with a request to assist in obtaining the consent of the Defense Ministry of the Russian Federation.

The monument to J.V. Stalin has already been made.  450 thousand rubles of people's money was collected  without the help of sponsors. The bust cost 200 thousand rubles, granite pedestal (from Kazakhstan) 200 thousand rubles. Now we are raising funds for the improvement of the site for the installation of the monument (100-150 thousand rubles are required).

The monument to Generalissimo J.V Stalin we intend to set up by the 74th anniversary of the Victory of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War of 1941 - 45.

A.V. Denisyuk,

leader of the initiative group for the installation of the monument J.V Stalin in the city of Novosibirsk

Tel .: +7 923 775-09-05

08.10.2018

WE SHALL NOT FORGET, WE SHALL NOT FORGIVE!

October 3-4, 1993 - 25 years from the date of execution of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation

WHO WILL REPLACE ME?



"I am killed under Rzhev ..."

Alexander Twardowski



I am killed in the White House.

I stood to the end.

In this hub in Sodom

Have you seen off the fighter?

Days fly like crazy

That rustling, then ringing,

But please, relatives,

Do not forget me.

After all, with me were next

All the people, the whole country

In this house damned

At the eighth by the window.

He was white by right

But, becoming black then,

He will be bloody

Since then forever.

I was injured at first,

and at half four

Two riot police drunk

Shoot me.

I did not confess

Seeing their anger and ardor,

In that I am eighteen,

I have not yet loved.

After all, they did not spare

And younger than me.

Now we are all in a tomb -

We are a big family.

In the walls of the Black House

Flame devoured me.

Everything is there like straw

Died in the tornado of fire.

What is far and what is close -

All the fire consumed.

There was a receipt

What I paid for the coffin.

Full of pain and anger,

I fell with the thought that

What is so under Rzhev

My grandfather is forty-two.

True, he lived longer

And the enemy slew him

And I was destroyed

Your scoundrel and fool.

I burned in this house

On the eighth floor.

Nothing more than

Shadows in your soul.

Although a piece of Russia

I defended myself

But to find out was not valid,

What ended the battle.

If you backtracked,

If you throw a flag, -

Like me even in the grave

Even dead - how?

Like a little

Find me peace?

How to appear before God

In a heart with pain like that?

Even in my soul

His speeches included:

- Against tanks and guns

What could you, my son, do?

But he gave is not in vain

Life before the time

There are Red Banners

Now the blood and filth.

There are no big words here,

But - always you herd -

Why did  you not see us nearby

Patriots tribunes?

But right and left

Felt all my gut

Those who fell under Rzhev

In the terrible forty-second.

Our union will not be destroyed,

We are a single squad.

Our sorrowful souls

Over Russia soar.

It is left and right

We need to be hard to know

When the house is bloody

Get together again.

And the killers will have no cover

Neither law nor armor ...

I am killed in the White House ...

Who will replace me?

So that the word of the poet

For people's power,

If it is narrowed,

Step further fall.

But to the joy of the Motherland

And on the mountain to the enemy

I wish you life.

That's all I can.

Vladimir Bushin

December 1993

LESSONS FROM THE OCTOBER 1993 EVENTS

On the 25th anniversary of the execution of the Supreme Soviet of Russia

October 3 - 4 marks 25 years (1993) from the day of the tragic events in Moscow - the execution of the Supreme Soviet of Russia and its defenders from tank guns. This was the first time in world history when a constitutionally elected parliament was shot from tank guns.

After August 19-21, 1991 (GKChP), the Yeltsinists were no longer bound by the Union Center. Begins a new stage of bourgeois reformism. The Union bodies were dissolved, the activity of the CPSU was banned, the Soviet Union, contrary to the all-Union referendum of March 17, 1991, was destroyed (the Belovezhsky agreement on December 8, 1991). Since January 1992, the implementation of "shock therapy" began.

Forced capitalization, corporatization of industrial enterprises, formation of banking capital, and accelerated privatization of state property eliminated the economic basis of socialism. The billionaires and the big bourgeoisie were legalized. Under the conditions of capitalization of the economy, a financial oligarchy is formed, which concentrates in its hands the shares of the most profitable enterprises, banks, ownership of tools and means of production, and in essence seizes economic power in the country.

The Supreme Soviet of Russia (until December 21, 1991 - the RSFSR) by October 1993 was no longer an organ of socialist democracy and was a state organ of bourgeois restoration. The Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation R. Khasbulatov and the Vice-President A. Rutskoi owe their ascension to these positions to no one else but Yeltsin. These "opponents" of Yeltsin in August 1991 together with him arrested members of the Emergency Committee, and then destroyed the Soviet Union and buried the socialist achievements of the working people.

“Shock therapy” and theft (“privatization”) of state property provoked resistance in the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, primarily among deputies and factions representing the interests of state industrial and agricultural enterprises, as well as the military-industrial complex. Liberalization of prices and other “reforms” of the government (first Gaidar, and then Chernomyrdin) artificially made most state-owned enterprises unprofitable.

The unbridled inflation, the collapse in production, the impoverishment of the population caused increasing indignation of the country's population.

The Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation increasingly blocked the market initiatives of the Gaidar-Chernomyrdin government, advocating not for the wild, “Gaidar”, but for the “civilized” market.

They often speak of dual power - between President Yeltsin and Prime Minister Chernomyrdin (replacing Gaidar in this post), on the one hand, and Vice President Rutsky and Chairman of the Supreme Soviet Khasbulatov, on the other, between the executive (President and Government) and the legislative (Supreme) Soviet of the Russian Federation) by the authorities.

In reality, there was no dual power; the power belonged to one class — the bourgeoisie.

The Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation (RSFSR) has long embarked on the path of bourgeois reforms and rejected the socialist perspective of the country's development.

"... Many communists and patriots initially did not understand that both the presidential and parliamentary factions of the bourgeoisie are fighting only for different ways and methods of restoring capitalism" (N.A. Andreeva. Let's stop demofashism, save Russia! October 30, 1993).

If Rutskoi and Khasbulatov expressed the interests of that part of the national bourgeoisie (middle and small), which, faced with the lawlessness of plundering the country, tried to introduce privatization into a “civilized” channel, then Yeltsin expressed the interests of the emerging big bourgeoisie, the financial oligarchy. Transnational capital also stood behind Yeltsin.

In one of his television interviews from the White House (the building of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation) Khasbulatov had every reason to state the intervention of foreign intelligence services in the Russian conflict on the side of the president. Even before the events of August 1991, foreign intelligence agencies relied on Yeltsin as a ram to destroy the USSR. It is also known that, along with Russian, special forces, trained by the American CIA, and Zionist militant organizations (Beytar members) took part in the storming of the White House.

The Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation expressed the interests of that part of the bourgeoisie, which turned out to be removed from the division — the plundering of public property — more arrogant, more prepared for the conditions of capitalism by the criminal, big bourgeoisie, focused on the United States.

One cannot but agree with R. Khasbulatov that "the accomplished counter-revolutionary coup was aimed at transferring all the enormous state property belonging to society into the hands of those people who are now called oligarchs."

The reasons for the defeat of the October uprising of 1993 and the coming to power of the big bourgeoisie are determined by the reasons for the temporary defeat of socialism and the victory of the bourgeois counterrevolution in the USSR.

The main reason is the rejection of the dictatorship of the proletariat as the socialist essence of the power of the state of the workers and peasants.

Stop the restoration of capitalism and the country's slipping into a catastrophe could only be achieved through the restoration of socialism. Either socialism, or reaction and fascism. The third was not given. Since both the leadership of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation and the uprising itself were in the hands of petty-bourgeois democrats, the outcome in favor of the dictatorship of the big bourgeoisie was inevitable. The power of the petty bourgeoisie can be neither durable nor of any length.

V.I. Lenin repeatedly emphasized: “Either the dictatorship (that is, the iron power) of landowners and capitalists, or the dictatorship of the working class. There is no middle. In the middle dream are vain marshes, intellectuals, masters, who poorly studied from bad books. Nowhere in the world of the middle is there and can not be. Either the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie (covered with lush Socialist-Revolutionary and Menshevik phrases about democracy, constitution, freedom, etc.), or the dictatorship of the proletariat. Whoever has not learned this from the history of the whole XIX century, is a hopeless idiot ”(V.I. Lenin. Collected Works, vol. 39, p. 158 rus.).

The working people did not support the defenders of the White House, seeing in the speeches of Khasbulatov and Rutsky another attempt at the top of the coup with obscure consequences for the people. Most of the working people remained deaf to the appeals of the Supreme Soviet to support him with strikes and strikes.

Victor Anpilov, one of the active participants in the October events, leader of the social and political movement Labor Russia, later recalled: “Our calls to go on strike, to come to support the Supreme Soviet of the ZIL workers answered with curses: - Yeltsin, Gaidar, Rutskoi, Khasbulatov - what difference does it make ?! They are fighting for power, and we shed blood for them? ”(Victor Anpilov. Concept of Freedom, 2008, p. 238).

It is often said about the October uprising, but this was not a rebellion, and in itself this event was obviously spontaneous and unorganized.

The main events of October 3-4 were the barricades on Vosstaniya Square and October Square, the breakthrough of the blockade of the White House, the capture of the city hall and, finally, the storming of the Ostankino television tower, which ended with the shooting of unarmed people and gunfire from tanks in the Soviet House.

The leadership of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation represented by Rutskoi and Khasbulatov remained idle while sitting in the besieged White House.

During the October 3-4 events of October 3-4, the leadership of the Supreme Council showed indecision and hesitation in confrontation with Yeltsin: refused to distribute weapons to the people from the weapon rooms of the besieged Supreme Soviet (although it was known that in August 1991 the same Yeltsin distributed weapons to anyone called himself a "democrat"); did not send to the power structures the power ministers appointed by the Supreme Soviet, especially since both the Ministry of Defense and the building of the KGB of the USSR were waiting for the appearance of personal orders from Rutskoi; during the blockade of the House of Soviets, the leadership of the Armed Forces launched meaningless talks with Yeltsin through the mediation of the Russian Orthodox Church in the St. Daniel's Monastery; etc.

The leadership in the person of Khasbulatov and Rutsky and the entire Supreme Soviet of Russia excluded the armed development of the conflict from the very beginning and did not prepare for armed confrontation.

Having neither the right ideological and political positions - the struggle for the restoration of Socialism, nor the support of the WORKING CLASS, nor the firm one - Lenin would say: PROLETARIAN - of leadership, the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation was doomed to defeat in the confrontation with big capital.

Unlike Khasbulatov and Rutskoi, Yeltsin carefully prepared for armed violence against his own people.

In addition to the Dzerzhinsky division, the Tula airborne, Kantemirovskaya and Tamansky divisions of the Armed Forces of Russia entered Moscow in full combat gear. The tanks moved along Kutuzovsky Prospect and went into the positions of fire at direct fire on the House of Soviets. The composition of tank crews was hired for big money only from among the volunteer officers.

In the morning of October 3, the storming of the White House began. ON A POLITICAL SCENE IS LARGE CAPITAL.

Unfortunately, the communist movement of the country, deeply affected by opportunism inherited from the Gorbachev Communist Party of the Soviet Union, failed to fulfill the vanguard role. Particularly treacherous role in the October events was played by the Communist Party of the Russian Communist Party led by G. Zyuganov:

- removed the revolutionary situation in the opposition of the people and small Yeltsinites in September-October 1993 in Moscow. The special merit of this is G. Zyuganov, who called everyone on TV “not to take to the streets”, “not to be active”;

- took part in a referendum on the "shooting" of the Constitution and in the parliamentary elections "on blood" in December 1993, thereby legalizing the usurpation of power by Yeltsin. The entire communist opposition, including the AUCPB, boycotted both the referendum and the elections.

The creation, on the orders of Yeltsin, by a former employee of the ideological department of the Central Committee of the CPSU, headed by A.N. Yakovlev, a former member of the Central Committee of the CPSU Gennady Zyuganov of the law-abiding Communist Party of the Russian Federation, sought to divert a significant part of the communists from active work in the communist parties that arose in the territory of the Russian Federation before 1993 and, above all, from activities in the AUCPB, created by the first communist activity on the second day after Yeltsin’s ban ( On November 8, 1991, the Constituent Congress of the AUCPB was held.

The All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB) took an active part on the side of the defenders of the House of Soviets. The members of the AUCPB took part in the confrontation with the Yeltsinites. The AUCPB supported the Soviets at all levels in the center and in the provinces, while not idealizing them, given their restorative role during the bourgeois counter-revolution, linking this role with the opportunist degeneration of the CPSU, which became the political headquarters of bourgeois restoration. However, objectively, the Soviets were then an obstacle to the fascization of bourgeois power.

It seems that today the conclusions made by the AUCPB on the heels of the October 1993 events remain relevant:

“The main conclusion from the tragedy in the capital is that the crisis leading Russia to the catastrophe is NECESSARY as part of the restoration of capitalism. This crisis can only be resolved through the restoration of socialism, for only under a socialist system can broad sections of the working people rise together for the revival of the devastated Fatherland. Today, the country has one alternative: either socialism or reaction and fascism. There is no third, no matter how many capitulators from the former CPSU would say about some kind of new civilization designed to rise above capitalism and socialism ”(N.A. Andreeva. Let's stop demofascism - let's save Russia! October 30, 1993).

The experience of a tough confrontation with Yeltsinism in October 1993 showed the Soviet Communists the limited possibilities of boundless, self-sufficient rallyism, the inadmissibility of indecision and hesitation in leading the struggle against the anti-people regime, the futility of petty-bourgeois games to seize power and other so-called “simple solutions” to complex political tasks of defeating the bourgeois counterrevolution.

A.V. Denisyuk

Message to Comrade Kim Jong Un on the 73rd anniversary of the founding of the Workers' Party of Korea Supreme Leade

To the Supreme Leader

Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea

Chairman of the GKO DPRK

Chairman of the State Council of the DPRK

Supreme Commander of the Korean People's Army

Comrade KIM JONG UN

 Pyongyang, DPRK



Dear Comrade KIM JONG UN!



         We congratulate YOU and in your person the heroic Korean people with a significant date - the 73th anniversary of the creation of the Workers Party of Korea by Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung.

Being the core of the state, the WPK in an extremely difficult for the DPRK foreign political situation, boldly and confidently leads the Korean people to the realization of the Koreans' dream of reuniting the Korean nation torn apart by the will of the United States and creating a wealthy socialist state.

We welcome the two-way and tripartite talks at the state level by the delegation of the DPRK MFA with high-ranking leaders of the Russian Federation and China, held in Beijing and Moscow in early October. We expect from these negotiations substantial support for the DPRK in the fight against US sanctions and further detente of international tensions in Northeast Asia.

We consider these negotiations as the next step in the unification of the Korean nation, as the development of the Pyongyang September Joint Declaration adopted in September 2018.

We wish the WPK, under your leadership, also firmly and confidently to lead the people forward to implement the ideas and plans of the Eternal President Comrade Kim Il Sung and the Eternal General Secretary of the WPK Comrade Kim Jong Il.



N.A. Andreeva

General Secretary of the Central Committee of the AUCPB

October 7, 2018 Leningrad

On October 10, the DPRK celebrates the 73rd anniversary of the establishment of the Workers' Party of Korea

developed by the Great Leader, Comrade Kim Il Sung. The WPK in the DPRK is called the Party of the Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung. As a coherent theory, the Juche idea was formulated by the Great Kim Jong Il. The Koreans themselves characterize the WPK “as a single organizational unit, where a single ideological system of leadership is asserted; the party forms a whole with the masses, is responsible for their fate and cares for them; it is an experienced and proven organization, distinguished by high leadership skills; it is a party with a bright perspective that reliably ensured the continuity of leadership. ”

Kim Jong Il did a lot for the development of the party, the country, the Armed Forces of the DPRK, to increase the welfare of the people and the growth of the international authority of the DPRK and therefore at the 4th WPK conference in April 2012 after his death in December 2011, it was decided to perpetuate the name of Kim Jong-il as the eternal Secretary General of the WPK.

Today the party is headed by Comrade Kim Jong-un in the status of Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea. Kim Jong-un continues the work of his great predecessors as the leader of the WPK, the Chairman of the State Committee of the DPRK, the Chairman of the State Council of the DPRK and the Supreme Commander of the Korean People’s Army.

Within 7 years after the death of the Great Kim Jong-il under the conditions of the sharply aggravated international situation in the world and the descent of mankind towards the red line of the mutually destroying third world war, Kim Jong-un, skillfully leading the country and the party, demonstrates the high professionalism of a world-class state and political figure.

The Central Committee of the AUCPB welcomes the signing on September 19 of the Pyongyang September Joint Declaration by the leader of the DPRK, Comrade Kim Jong-un and the President of the Republic of Korea Moon Jae-In, held on September 19 in Pyongyang.

We regard this as a new very important step in the protracted process of uniting Korea into a single confederative state of Kore, as a very important step in the issue of family reunification separated by the will of the United States after World War II. The Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung and the Great Kim Jong Il worked a lot on solving the issue of uniting the Korean nation.

We welcome all the leaders adopted in September during the talks and other very important agreements that should contribute to easing tensions in Northeast Asia and changing the military-political situation towards easing the US dictatorship on the Korean Peninsula and in this region as a whole.

On the occasion of the 73th anniversary of the formation of the WPK, we wish the courageous, talented and hard-working Korean people of the DPRK to continue firmly and confidently to advance along the path of building their own independent prosperous socialist state under the leadership of WPK Chairman Comrade Kim Jong un.

CC AUCPB

Elections to the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk Region or how people allowed themselves to be deceived

On September 9, 2018 in the Irkutsk region  elections of deputies of the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk region were held. According to the results of voting in the Legislative Assembly, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received 18 deputy seats: 9 - in single-member constituencies and 9 - according to party lists. "United Russia" - 17 seats, the Liberal Democratic Party - 4, Fair Russia and the Civic Platform - 3 seats each.

During the pre-election race, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation repeatedly held rallies against pension reform with the appeal “Not a single vote in the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk Region for United Russia, we choose the Communist Party of the Russian Federation!” The number of voters in the Irkutsk region is 23.6%. The people shouted: “Vote for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation!”, “Let's go against United Russia!”

On September 10, 2018, citizens who succumbed to the deception of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and gave their votes for it were jubilant about the victory of the Communist Party in the elections to the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk Region.

However, on September 11, 2018, when the regional election commission of the Irkutsk region published a list of persons who passed to the Legislative Assembly from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, this exultation quickly ended. The people found out who they  had “dragged” from this party to the Legislative Assembly.

In single-mandate constituencies from the Communist Party passed: Mrs.A. Kudryavtsev, a member of United Russia in the recent past, an ardent anti-Communist; Mr. V.I. Kondrashov, a former member of United Russia (he was previously the mayor of Irkutsk, was elected from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, and after his victory joined United Russia), currently Kondrashov, check under art. 159 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation "Fraud"; Mr. A.A. Romanov, in the recent past, the deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation from United Russia, who voted, like all members of United Russia, for anti-popular laws. In the Angarsk single-mandate constituencies from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, three large businessmen, in the past representatives of United Russia, passed to the Legislative Assembly. Pavel Sumarokov, a major capitalist in the livestock sector, was elected in the Usolsky single-mandate district. In the single-mandate constituency of Bratsk, a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, a resident of Moscow, a rather non-poor citizen Andrei Andreev and capitalist Denis Shershnev, director of Baikal Svyazstroi passed. Of the 9 who passed to the Legation Assembly of the Irkutsk Region, according to the lists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, there were also deputies, who could be called "people's" only while in a state of drug intoxication. Namely: on the party lists from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were elected: Ilya Alekseevich Sumarokov (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), a major agricultural capitalist of the Irkutsk region; H.E. Nosenko, the first secretary of the Irkutsk City Party Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, popularly called "Miss Mink Fur Coat"; Andrei Sergeevich Levchenko, a member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the son of the governor of the Irkutsk region, Sergey Georgievich Levchenko (this governor is currently being tried for poaching - the killing of a sleeping bear in its den); Andrei Sergeevich Levchenko is a major capitalist, the director of Stalkonstruktsiya, who for a long time did not pay wages to his employees and in respect of which the Investigative Committee carried out checks on signs of a criminal act on the fact of non-payment of taxes. Thus, out of 18 deputies of the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk Region from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, 12 deputies of big capital passed. Some of them are adherents of United Russia. After the elections, the people realized how he himself replaced some capitalists in the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk Region with others.

E.A. Rulkov, second secretary of the Irkutsk Regional Committee, officially announced that the Communist Party faction in the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk Region will be united with deputies from the Civic Platform, the LDPR, Just Russia, as well as deputies from United Russia. Indeed, residents of the Irkutsk Region, who believed the pseudo-communist Communist Party of the Russian Federation, can be characterized in the words of V.I. Lenin:

"People have always been and will always be stupid victims of deception and self-deception in politics, until they learn for any moral, religious, political, social phrases, statements, promises to look for the interests of certain classes." (Three sources and three components of Marxism. March 1913). PSS, 5th ed., Vol. 23, p. 47

Comrade WILLIAM

How salmon after being caught is destroyed

How  salmon after being caught is destroyed

(copy and paste link)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZNrt1_wbK9M

NOT A GAME OF ELECTIONS, BUT A CLASS STRUGGLE FOR SOCIALISM!

On the results of the elections of September 9, 2018

On September 9, the elections of heads of 22 regions, heads of four regional centers, deputies of legislative bodies of 16 constituent entities of the Ryssian Federation took place. In seven single-member districts, additional elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation were held. Elections were also held in the representative bodies of administrative centers, etc. A total of about five thousand election campaigns of different levels took place.

Nothing special, as in the previous elections, happened at these elections. The results of the elections are quite as expected.

The ruling party “United Russia”, using the support of the President of the Russian Federation, retained “leading” positions in most regions of the country, slightly lowering its rating (which is already low with even lower voter turnout in these elections) against the background of popular discontent initiated by the Russian government the so-called "Pension reform" (conducted at the direction of the International Monetary Fund). On the other hand, the socially-democratized Communist Party of the Russian Federation and other parliamentary “opposition” parties (LDPR and SR) somewhat strengthened their positions, using the workers' discontent with the liberal reforms of the Russian government.

In other words, a certain “traditional” redistribution of local income seats among the bourgeois parties took place within the framework of the “multi-party” political system formed in Russia with the “leading” positions of the ruling party.

In elections to regional parliaments, the most seats went to United Russia - 472 seats, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - 160, LDPR - 73, "Fair Russia" - 50, "Communists of Russia" - 6, "Patriots of Russia" - 4, "Civic Platform" - 4, the Party of Pensioners - 3, other parties received 1 mandate each - the CPSU, the Pensioners Party of Russia, the Party of Growth, the Delo party and the Greens party. Another 10 mandates were self-nominated. Total replaced mandates - 788.

In the elections of governors only in 4 out of 26 the second round of elections will take place (September 23). In 16 regions, the governors and representatives of the ruling party successfully "won". They are Moscow Mayor Sobyanin and Moscow Region Governor Vorobyov, Acting Governors of Yakutia, Altai and Krasnoyarsk Territories, Amur, Voronezh, Ivanovo, Kemerovo, Magadan, Nizhny Novgorod, Novosibirsk, Omsk, Orel (candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Pskov, Samara and Tyumen regions, and also the governor of the Chukotka Autonomous Region.

The second round of gubernatorial elections should be held in the Khabarovsk and Primorsky Territories, Khakassia and the Vladimir Region.

Of the four regional centers in three (in the capital of Khakassia, Abakan, in Tomsk and in Khabarovsk), United Russia wins, in Yakutsk, United Russia was won over by a candidate from the Russian Revival Party.

The single-mandate candidates from United Russia are winning the by-election to the State Duma of the Russian Federation in five of the seven single-member districts - that is, all where the ruling party has nominated its candidates. The candidate from the Liberal Democratic Party "wins" in the Amur District, from the Communist Party - in Saratov.

The leader of United Russia, Prime Minister D. Medvedev reiterates that "the outcome of the elections for the party is quite worthy, the party has acted stably and retains leadership." “The results of the past elections demonstrate a resource of public confidence,” said Russian President V.V. Putin

Chairman of the "ER" B. Gryzlov is even more categorical: "Voters see their party in United Russia, they trust the party" (!).

Is it so?

Bourgeois elections are, although unreliable, but a barometer of the political moods of the population.

In most regions, “ER” (United Russia) received a significantly lower percentage than in similar elections to regional parliaments in 2013. So, in the elections to the parliament of Bashkiria in 2013, “ER” received 76.09%, and in these elections (2018) - 58, 31%, Khakassia - 46.32 and 25.46, Transbaikalia - 43.09 and 28.3, Arkhangelsk Oblast - 40.69 and 31.59, Vladimir Region - 44.33 and 29.57, Ivanovo Region - 55.77 and 34.14, Irkutsk Region - 42.36 and 27.83, the Kemerovo Region the regions - 86.21 and 64.40, the Ulyanovsk region - 57.62 and 33.96, etc.

The number of United Russia's deputies in 16 regional parliaments decreased from 616 (2013) to 472 (2018).

If we take the results of the vote, taking into account the voter turnout, then the ruling party has practically no support. Two thirds of the population simply ignored the elections to regional parliaments. Therefore, the head of the CEC of the Russian Federation, E. Pamfilova, cynically declared: “The most important thing, no matter WHAT THE FAITH WILL BE, is that it should be adequately be reflected in the protocols ...”.

For example, voter turnout in the elections to the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk Region was 27%, of which number took part in the voting for the "ER" 27.83% of voters cast their ballots. Thus, the “ER” is supported by only 7.5% of the population, in other words, a little more than 7 out of 100 voters. A similar situation is observed in other regions. Turnout ranges from 35 to 25%, with the exception of a number of national regions (40 to 50%) and Kemerovo region (66%).

And if you take into account ballot box stuffing? "... There were a lot of violations - absolutely wild and inexplicable, which do not fit into any logic of behavior of the district commissions," admitted A. Klyukin, member of the CEC of the Russian Federation. And the administrative resource? People are forced to join United Russia and are driven to polling stations, for example, they force all employees of Housing Management Companies to “join” ER (using the example of Novosibirsk).

A similar situation develops in the "election" of governors, although turnout, for quite understandable reasons (sometimes governors appointed by the president of the Russian Federation, a more powerful administrative resource is involved) is somewhat higher than in regional parliaments.

But in these elections turnout is low in many regions. For example, in the Novosibirsk region - 29.52%, the Krasnoyarsk Territory - 28.91%, the Pskov Region - 36.89, the Amur Region - 31.24, the Moscow Region - 38.51, the city of Moscow - 30.9%. In the elections in the Novosibirsk region, interim governor Travnikov scored 64.52%. So, about 20% of the population voted for him, that is, 4/5 of the population does not support him. A similar situation is in Moscow, where the mayor SS was elected in the same way (70.17%). Sobyanin with a turnout of 30.9%.

An even lower turnout is characteristic of the by-election to the State Duma of the Russian Federation in single-mandate constituencies. For example, according to the Zavolzhsky single-mandate district, the candidate from the "ER" won, receiving 36.21% with the turnout of 24.3%. Thus, “ER” was “popularly” supported by about nine out of 100 voters (8.8% of eligible voters).

Elections to the parliament of the Irkutsk region, as well as in the Altai Territory, were held with a large number of spoiled ballots: 21,759 with 464,778 valid.

Other parties, primarily parliamentary - the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia and the SR, strengthened their positions. Thus, in 16 regional parliaments, the CPRF increased its representation from 72 to 160 mandates (including single-mandate ones from 13 to 60), the LDPR from 33 to 82, and the SR from 29 to 50 mandates.

In three regions, the Communist Party ranked the EP by the number of votes. Thus, in the elections to the regional parliament of the Ulyanovsk region, the CPRF gained 36.3% (2.5 times better than in the similar elections in 2013), "ER" - 34%, in the Irkutsk region, the Communist Party gained 34% (15 % higher than in 2013), "ER" - 28%, in the Republic of Khakassia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - 31% (17% more than in 2013), "ER" - 25.5%.

The last time the Communist Party of the Russian Federation won the elections to the regional parliament was only in 2005.

In seven regions in the elections to the parliaments of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation increased the percentage of votes compared with 2013. For example, in the Ivanovo region - from 14.5 to 26.9%, the Republic of Buryatia - from 19.3 to 25.7%, in the Trans-Baikal Territory - from 14.1 to 24.6, in the Yaroslavl region - from 11 to 24 , in the Nenets Autonomous District from 19.2 to 23.8, in the Vladimir region - from 13.5 to 23.7, in the Smolensk region - from 15 to 23.

In the Oryol region, the candidate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation A.E. Klychkov, gaining 83.55% (the highest percentage among other acting governors) with a high turnout of 57.76%.

In Khakassia, the candidate for governors from the Communist Party passed the candidate from the EP and went to the second round (45% against 32.4% of the governor from the "ER"), in Primorsky Krai the candidate from the Communist Party also went to the second round.

In the Vladimir Oblast and the Khabarovsk Territory, candidates from the Liberal Democratic Party reached the second round (with the current governors).

In the by-election to the State Duma, one candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (45%), one candidate from the LDPR passed.

The CPRF has strengthened its position in the parliaments of the administrative centers. In the Duma of Novgorod the Great, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation beat “ER”, receiving 30.6% of the vote. In eight more cities, it ranked second, gaining from 20 to 25% in six capitals (Belgorod, Abakan and Maykop, Yekaterinburg, Yakutsk, Ryazan). In general, for the 12 capitals where the elections took place, the CPRF used to have 2 mandates, now - 22.

On September 10, the Communist Party leader G. Zyuganov said at a press conference at the Interfax news agency: “The elections were really milestone. We have entered a new political era. " Member of the Presidium of the Central Committee, Secretary of the Central Committee S.P. Obukhov did "unravel his lip": "on the basis of the results of the elections, the possibility of creating a two-party system in the person of United Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was built" (!).

Are the elections really "boundary"?

"As for the results of the elections, the best figures among the governors are from the Communist Party representative A. Klychkov in the Orel region," Zyuganov said.

Zyuganov is silent that the candidate of the Communist Party A. Klychkov was appointed in October 2017. Acting Governor of the Russian President Vladimir V. Putin and he was supported by the PARTY OF POWER.

That's all in FOCUS.

“In the Ulyanovsk region we scored 36.3%, and United Russia was about 34%. Our percentage is almost two times better than in the State Duma elections in 2016! ”, Said I. Melnikov, first deputy chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and head of the Central Staff of the Communist Party for the elections.

Is it so?

In the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation in the Ulyanovsk region in 2016, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation really got two times fewer votes (19.16%) than in the elections of September 9, 2018 to the Legislative Assembly of the Ulyanovsk region (36.24%). But if in the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation in 2016, turnout was 52.3%, then in the elections of September 9, 2018 - only 27.0%. Thus, in the elections of September 9, 2018, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation supported approximately 10% of voters eligible to vote, as much as in 2016.

The question is, is it possible, at such a low turnout as in these elections, to talk about public support?

For example, in the Saratov single-member constituency for the additional elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation, a candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation passed, receiving as much as 45.35% of the votes. BUT: voter turnout of only 16.05%. Hence, the candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation cast their votes to 7.3% of voters eligible to vote.

“It was of fundamental importance for us that a strong team go to the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk Region,” Zyuganov said at a briefing on September 9.

In the elections to the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk Region, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation obtained a good result and outperformed “ER” in the number of votes and mandates. From the Communist Party in the Legislative Assembly passed 9 single-mandate and 9 on the list. But who are they? Mainly representatives of big business went to the Legislative Assembly.

In the Legislative Assembly of the Irkutsk region from the Communist Party passed: V.I. Kondrashov - a native of the construction complex, the former mayor of Irkutsk and a member of the "ER", since October 2015, Deputy Prime Minister of the regional government; P. Sumarokov - representative of the agrarian business, deputy. gene. Director of Usolsky Pig Complex (with a turnover of billions of rubles); A.S. Belov - General Director of AgroBaikal LLC (with a turnover of billions of rubles); Shershnev D.P. - The General Director and the sole founder of Baikal Svyaz Energostroy LLC, the company occupies the 8th place in the Russian market for the construction of communication networks in terms of revenue and 4 in the length of the line; A.S. Levchenko is the general director of Stalkonstruktsiya (the son of Governor SG Levchenko), the company is a co-founder of several other companies in the field of metal structures; E.S. Sarsenbayev, the general director of Sarsenbayev LLC, had a criminal record under Part 3 of Art. 89 “Theft of state or public property committed by theft” of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR; and etc.

In the Irkutsk region, the high rating of the Communist Party is due to the formation of influential local business elites around the governor of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation S.G. Levchenko. It is known that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has long resorted to the practice of selling mandates, in fact, like other bourgeois political parties.

In some regions, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation openly supported the henchmen of the ruling regime. For example, in the Novosibirsk region, the first secretary of the Novosibirsk Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the mayor of Novosibirsk, Lokot, withdrew his candidacy in favor of the acting governor Travnikov and supported him in the elections for the support of the mayoral elections in 2019. Novosibirsk Regional Committee of the Communist Party kept silent.

In these elections, the KPRF skillfully used the protest potential of workers against the so-called government initiative of the Russian Federation. "Pension reform", releasing a couple of popular discontent, leading the workers from the class struggle towards the ballot box. It is no coincidence that the All-Russian protest actions initiated by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation against the pension robbery of workers took place after the adoption of the bill in the first reading and right before the elections - July 28 and September 2. Along with this - the sale of the CPRF mandates to representatives of capital and agreements with the bourgeois authorities both at the federal and regional levels.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation, is communist in name only; in its class essence, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a bourgeois party that advocates social reforms within the framework of the preservation of the capitalist system, seeking for itself the status of one of the ruling parties in a two-party bourgeois system.

The results of the elections show that the working population is increasingly disappointed in the bourgeois elections and does not trust deputies of any color. The fall of the ER rating, an increase in the percentage of votes for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation shows that the population does not accept the liberal course of the Russian government and turns to the socialist alternative to the development of the country.


Whoever becomes mayor or governor, no matter how many representatives of the Social Democrats from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in local representative bodies, experience shows that all of them will express the interests of big capital, “because coexistence in such states (bourgeois - approx.) authorities and relatively "democratic" local institutions, municipal governments, etc. it is explained solely, exclusively by the fact that these local institutions are engaged in “tin-washing of sinks” harmless for the bourgeois state, water supply, electric trams, etc. events that are not capable of undermining the foundations of what is called the “existing social order” (VI Lenin. PSS, vol. 12, p. 262-263).

The bourgeois liberal reforms, which are destructive for the country, can and should be stopped not by elections according to the rules of the financial oligarchy, not by conciliation with the bourgeois authorities, but by unfolding the class struggle for the vital interests and rights of the working people, explaining to the working masses the need to revive socialism, accomplish the socialist revolution, destroy the power of capital, the revolutionary transition of power to the working people.

A.V. Denisyuk