Friday, February 7, 2020

Crimean (Yalta) Conference of 1945


The Crimean conference of the leaders of the three allied powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain - was held from February 4 to 11, 1945 during the powerful offensive of the Red Army and the active actions of the allied forces on the second front. At the same time, the offensive in the west was significantly inferior to the swift advance of Soviet troops in the east: on February 4, 1945, Soviet troops stood 60 km from Berlin, and Anglo-American divisions were 450–500 km away. This circumstance compelled the delegations of Great Britain and the United States to reckon with the interests of the Soviet Union and find compromise solutions.

The delegations of the Allied Powers were headed by: Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars (Government) of the USSR Joseph Stalin, US President Franklin Roosevelt, and Prime Minister of Great Britain Winston Churchill. At the conference of the "Big Three" military issues were discussed, but the main attention was paid to the problems of the post-war structure of the world.

The USSR strove for such a system of post-war Europe, which would completely exclude the possibility of new aggression from Germany and provide a favorable environment for economic, political and cultural cooperation of European countries.

A significant place was given to the question of attitudes toward Germany after its defeat and its future. There was no significant disagreement between the Allies regarding the administrative management of Germany. Before the conference, representatives of the three powers in the European Administrative Commission prepared draft agreements On the Occupation Zones of Germany and on the Management of Greater Berlin and On the Control Mechanism in Germany. After some changes related to the allocation of the zone of occupation for France, these projects formed the basis of the relevant documents on the post-war status of Germany. The allies agreed on the demilitarization of the country, on bringing war criminals to justice and eradicating fascism. The communiqué about the outcome of the conference said: "Only when Nazism and militarism are uprooted, there will be hope for a decent existence for the German people and a place for them in the community of nations."

A large place at the conference was occupied by the consideration of reparations. The question of compensation for military losses was raised at the conference by the Soviet delegation. Given that the conference was held on the ground destroyed by the Nazis, this issue did not cause much controversy. It was decided to establish a total amount of reparations in the amount of $ 20 billion. Half of this amount was due to the USSR, payments had to be made in kind: machinery, industrial equipment, vehicles. At the same time, the demilitarization of fascist Germany was envisaged. Specific measures for the denationalization and demilitarization of Germany were decided at the next conference in Potsdam.

The conference paid great attention to resolving the Polish question, which was discussed in two aspects: the borders of Poland and the composition of its government. When discussing this issue I.V. Stalin emphasized: "... the Soviet Union is interested in creating a powerful free and independent Poland." The Soviet delegation proposed to approve the border of Poland along the Curzon line in the east and along the Oder - West Neisse in the west. The issue of the eastern borders of Poland did not cause much disagreement at the conference, and the Soviet proposal was accepted by the heads of government of the three powers, i.e. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus, which became part of the USSR in 1939, remained Soviet. Regarding the western borders of Poland, representatives of the United States and England, under various pretexts, spoke out against the Soviet proposal. In the end, it was decided that Poland "... should receive a substantial increase in territory in the North and the West."

A heated political struggle unfolded at a conference on the composition of the Polish government. After a long debate, a compromise was reached: it envisaged the reorganization of the Provisional Government in Poland by including "... democratic figures from Poland itself and Poles from abroad." The United States and England have pledged to establish diplomatic relations with this new government. Having accepted this proposal, the Soviet side made a compromise, which ultimately proved to be advantageous for the Polish people, because the creation of the reorganized Provisional Government of National Unity led to the liquidation of the Polish émigré government.

On the question of Yugoslavia, the conference adopted a number of recommendations regarding the formation of the Provisional Joint Government from representatives of the National Committee for the Liberation of Yugoslavia and the emigrant royal government in London, as well as the creation of the Provisional Parliament on the basis of the Anti-Fascist People's Liberation Yugoslavia.

At the conference, some Far Eastern issues were discussed. The Soviet government reaffirmed its promise to enter the war against Japanese aggressors two to three months after the end of the war in Eurone The political conditions for entering the war against Japan were also agreed upon, including the return of South Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands to the Soviet Union, as well as the preservation of the status quo of the Mongolian People's Republic.

Of major importance was the decision of the Crimean Conference on the establishment of a universal international organization for the maintenance of peace and security - the United Nations (UN) and its permanent body - the Security Council. An agreement was reached on which countries to invite to the founding conference of the UN. The conference participants agreed with the proposal of the USSR - Ukraine and Belarus were included in the UN Assembly as the most affected by the fascist occupation.

All the work of the Crimean Conference proceeded under the sign of the immeasurably increased international authority of the Soviet Union and its peace-loving policy.

V. Tishurov, Minsk



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