ECONOMIC BASIS OF LENIN ELECTRIFICATION IN THE STALIN ECONOMY

Speech by a member of the Central Committee, Comrade Ryabov, V.I. at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the AUCPB December 22, 2019

Celebrating the 140th anniversary of Stalin’s birth, we cannot help but notice the fact that the Russian authorities are intensely preparing for the Victory Parade over Nazi Germany in honor of the 75th anniversary of this historic achievement, clearly wanting to shine their own images in front of the international community on this historic peak of success without any noticeable success in saving the impoverished in Russia from disease and death. Accordingly, seeing only himself on the historical crest of success from that war, under which the authorities are driving some successes in the current reality. The present authorities of Russia do not even think of the need to celebrate this anniversary by erecting a monument to the Supreme Commander-in-Chief Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin in the center of the capitals, knowing well that these monuments were already erected on the territory of the USSR and were demolished by Khrushchev’s associates, then showing an example of fascist vandalism, which now continue the fascist followers of Bandera in Ukraine, already demolishing the monuments to Lenin. Western liberals with domestic “democrats” are strenuously trying to rehabilitate the traitor A. Vlasov in order to continue the practice of demolishing Lenin’s monuments in the image of Ukrainian Bandera in Russia.

As regards V. Putin’s calls for increasing labor productivity, this call is being resolved on dashing calls, devoid of any support for reality, more reminiscent of hatred, rather than relying on personal experience.

The issue of increasing labor productivity was solved at the expense of “black gold” - and  was developed by Lenin, and after him continued by I.V. Stalin, which manifested itself during the period of industrialization and the tremendous pace of increasing labor productivity both during the war and after it.

At the VIII Congress of Soviets in December 1920, proclaiming the construction of communism with the wording “Soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country,” Lenin will say:

“I just wanted to remind you that this is not the first time we are returning to this advancement of the labor front in first place. Recall the resolution that the All-Russian Central Executive Committee issued on April 29, 1918. It was a time when the Brest peace that was imposed on us cut Russia economically, and we were put in extremely difficult conditions by an exorbitantly predatory treaty. ... many of the issues that we have to work on now were posed quite definitely, firmly, and quite decisively back in April 1918. Remembering this, we say: repetition is the mother of learning. It is impossible to do without construction without a huge number of repetitions, without some going back, without checking, without individual corrections, without new tricks, without straining forces to convince others and those unprepared to do it ”(PSS, 4th edition, vol. 31, p. 464- 465).

That is, from the very beginning of the Civil War, Lenin did not look at the confrontation of classes in Russia from the standpoint of only victory on the military front, he already considered the economic front with the planned foundations of electrification as the main direction of development of the world revolution, preparing the GOELRO plan, which immediately led to VIII Congress of Soviets to an ideological confrontation with Trotsky, and then continued at the X Congress of the RCP (B.) in 1921, when Kollontai simply attacked Lenin in a fury.

The Leninist formulation of communism "Soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country" was two party programs. The first program - “Soviet power, differs from the massive book of the GOELRO plan,” noted Lenin, “in that it is already framed“ in a book less thick, but extremely valuable. This is a political program, this is a list of our tasks, this is an explanation of the relations between classes and masses. But we must also remember that it is time to embark on this road in reality and measure its practical results. Our party program cannot remain only a party program. It must turn into a program of our economic construction, otherwise it is also unsuitable as a party program. It should be supplemented by the second program of the party, a plan of work to restore our national economy and bring it to modern technology. Without an electrification plan, we cannot move on to actual construction. Speaking about the restoration of agriculture, industry and transport, about their harmonious combination, we cannot but talk about a broad economic plan. We must come to the point of adopting a well-known plan: of course, it will be a plan adopted only in the order of first approximation. This party program will not be as unchanged as our real program, subject to change only at party congresses. No, this program will be improved, developed, improved and modified every day, in every workshop, in every volost. We need it, as the first draft that all of Russia will face, as a great economic plan, designed for no less than ten years and less saying how to transfer Russia to the real economic base necessary for communism. " (PSS, t.31, s.482-483).

The second party program, after fulfilling the GOELRO plan, essentially meant a constant increase in labor productivity on the initiative from below, that is, "in every workshop, in every volost" such an initiative should be manifested, since it was born there. Therefore, the productivity of labor, Lenin, put in place the most important, most important condition for the victory of the new social system. Stalin successfully implemented the Leninist development of the economic base of electrification.

Actually, it was this conscious increase in labor productivity under socialism that replaced the place of surplus value under capitalism established by Marx. After all, the working masses, in power, could not exploit themselves with a “carrot and stick”. Therefore, their workers' workshops and entire volosts (districts) turned into discussion clubs on increasing the rate of growth of labor productivity. The planning bodies of the region, and then of the state level, should have listened to the proposals made and included them in the long-term planning. The State Planning Commission and the State Bank became an integral part of the control of the general plan and the total costs, which formed the entire pricing and profit policy. They calculated in the planned plans the cost of production, determined the prospect of the profit and established ways to realize this profit.

    Lenin’s electrification allowed calculating energy costs through the cost of production of any product, because all production is electrified and any accounting department calculates energy costs for the production of its own products. In urban industry, energy costs were calculated from the cost of kilowatts / hour spent from a local power plant, in which they knew the amount of fuel used per kilowatt and transmitted data to all enterprises powered from the power plant. In the countryside, energy costs were calculated by the accounts department of each MTS (machine and tractor station), and all machine operators knew how much gas or kerosene they spent on sowing and harvesting, which made it possible to establish energy costs for each kilogram of the crop. The whole question was only who controls the accounting? In Soviet times, this was done by primary party organizations in production, which trade unions could join. Therefore, energy consumption was well controlled only during the period of Lenin and Stalin, and Malenkov, in his two years at the head of the government, kept these orders. Through the saving of energy, they sought to increase labor productivity, and surplus value was a thing of the past. And after the Great Patriotic War they even switched to lowering prices for consumer goods, which moved the entire monetary system to zero. That is, under Stalin, the Soviet Union switched to the real practice of withering away money and building a classless society, communism.

The process of dying off the monetary system was carried out by controlling the entire production for the interests of the working class, the interests of which were expressed by party committees and trade union committees, fighting to increase labor productivity in all production. The increase in labor productivity was achieved by saving energy resources, for the sake of which increased production plans were adopted, and energy fuel saved during the work was used to increase the living standards of the entire Soviet people, due to its monetary component. Thus, by counting the energy spent, the working class directly controlled the country's economy, influencing it by the growth of profit for its own needs. Cost figures were announced at every party or trade union meeting, so every worker knew what advantages he had in his work and what needed to be improved. To improve labor productivity, increased work plans were adopted at each workplace. Why did the working class really govern and remain the political leader in the country, under the leadership of its vanguard, the Bolshevik party. So far, the Khrushchev leadership has not torpedoed this system of growth in economic calculations, transferring the value of profit to money, ending the transfer with the Kosygin reform in 1965. What has become incomprehensible for the working masses, because this economic mechanism is designed for the bourgeois system, and they could not control the growth of profit. Because of this, control over profit in monetary terms passed to the party bureaucracy. This in production immediately expressed stagnation.

After all, it was all about profit. This craving for property with surplus value was first smashed by Lenin, seeing in the "left" and right deviations the path to the death of socialism. Then Stalin fought off this habit of parasitizing on other people's labor among the Trotskyists and Bukharinites. G.M. Malenkov, who replaced Stalin at the head of the USSR, trampled on the future “faithful Leninists” in two years, while he intensely created the country's missile shield. Ultimately, “faithful Leninists” gained access to public property “with surplus value the happiness of the whole country ”to the delight of their western patrons.

Struggling against the “Stalin personality cult”, the party bureaucracy actually fought the basics of Lenin’s electrification, destroying the socialist economy, and the “sources of anti-Stalinism” that arose stemmed from the inability of the CPSU’s senior leadership to continue the path begun by the Great October Revolution. In other words, from the inability to continue the revolution of the transition to a new economic way of life for all of mankind, based on energy as an advanced way of exchanging goods. ” (N.A. Andreeva).

Stalin left us the great project of building a classless society, for which he is so hated by all the "democrats" -liberals and for which his level of respect in modern conditions has reached 90% of Russia's population.